Noah Warren, “Who Owns ‘Baker Farm’?” (pp. 270–301)
The politics of the “Baker Farm” chapter of Henry David Thoreau’s Walden (1854), in which Thoreau’s narrator racializes and demeans a family of Irish immigrants, have troubled critics, whose explanations have tended to invoke Thoreau’s later activities on behalf of Concord’s Irish community. This article reapproaches the chapter through the lens of Thoreau’s career-long agon with English poetry in the pastoral and georgic modes. It has not been previously remarked that the chapter “Baker Farm” is structured by William “Ellery” Channing’s poem “Baker Farm” (1849), which it vigorously revises. A close examination of Thoreau’s incorporations of verse in Walden reveals an active debate between these two protégés of Emerson about the affordances of verse as a medium at a moment of economic and social modernization, and about the power of the figure of the poet to mediate the attendant tensions. Facing, without apologizing for, the chapter’s cruelty, this article shows how Thoreau’s racially charged language emerges also from a repudiation of outdated poetics of ownership—emblematized by Channing’s verse—in favor of a linguistic commons of free use. The article’s central contributions consist of 1) highlighting the rivalry and the mutual influences of the Thoreau-Channing relationship, which stretches across their careers; 2) tracing how Walden anxiously remediates the verse it quotes and how this reflects Thoreau’s evolving relationship to the vocation of poetry; and 3) exploring how debates about literary authority and ownership restructure the contemporary economic conditions they reflect.
Walden (1854) is a shocking document, most so when it encounters the poor. Henry David Thoreau argues in “Economy” that philanthropy must begin in spiritual improvement, lest “if you give [a man] money, he…buy more rags with it.”1 Such transgressions “reawaken [us]” as readers to the instability of textual dwelling, requiring our “conscious endeavor” to revise simultaneously our lay ethics and how we find them in language (Walden, p. 90). Yet the lesson comes at a real human cost. In the “Baker Farm” chapter, Walden’s middle, Thoreau’s narrator puts this model of philosophy-as-charity into practice, where it fails painfully and predictably. After walking afield, Walden’s narrator shelters from the rain in the hovel of John Field, a poor Irish immigrant, to whom he prescribes the reduction of wants rather than the expansion of means, “talk[ing] to him as if he were a philosopher, or desired to be one” (p. 205). After failing at this project and fleeing the premises, the narrator utters a startling curse:
With his horizon all his own, yet he a poor man, born to
be poor, with his inherited Irish poverty or poor life,
his Adam’s grandmother and boggy ways, not to rise in this
world, he nor his posterity, till their wading webbed bog-
trotting feet get talaria to their heels. (p. 209)
The embittered and highly literary self-amusement of such a voice, projecting a naturalized determinism, is hard to square with the text’s more usual earnestness and its emphases on transformation, to the extent we might reasonably wonder who is speaking, and to whom.2 Indeed, the chapter transgresses so far across contemporary taboos of race and class, and so blurs a received sense of Thoreau’s ethics, that Laura Dassow Walls, one of Thoreau’s most attentive interpreters, exclaims, “Henry, how could you?”3
What has remained unnoticed in previous explorations of this problem area, however, is that the chapter rambles over physical, thematic, and stylistic ground that, through three substantial quotations, is ascribed to the lightly anonymized “Poet” alluded to a half-dozen times in Walden. Its high artifice and fraught ethics are, in part, borrowed. The “Poet” is Thoreau’s constant companion, occasional rival, and future biographer, William “Ellery” Channing II, whose poems, set in Concord landscapes, including on Walden Pond, were written coevally with Walden, and were published first. The chapter “Baker Farm” becomes more legible, if not more expiable, when read as the central site of Thoreau’s attempt to reframe and absorb the English pastoral tradition—and Channing’s ambitious, parallel interpretation of it—in his prose. Seen thus, “Baker Farm” reveals itself as an intense local poetomachy with long stakes; the practices of ambivalent, frictional verse quotation by which it progresses allow us to see how this struggle with the affordances of verse extends across Walden. Once we understand Thoreau to be negotiating a complex relationship to his own poetic vocation, to his inconstant mentor, Ralph Waldo Emerson, and to Channing’s verse production, the chapter’s central conflict expands from an unequal antagonism, in which the immigrant John Field and his family serve as the sole targets of the narrator’s bile, to an unstable triadic conversation about tenancy and possession characterized by rapid tonal pivots and the serial ventriloquy of a range of deindividuating discourses. However, to hear the conversation as such requires first reconstructing Channing’s and Thoreau’s relationship in the 1840s and 1850s as a many-sided intellectual exchange between competitive and developing protégés of Emerson, who pursued divergent strategies to inherit the mantle of Emerson’s valorized “Poet.”4
Returning Channing and Thoreau to their contemporary parity allows for the recovery of transcendentalist debates over the function of such a poet, the value of poetic work, and the ownership of language. These questions reflect broader cultural renegotiations of the value of labor during the wave of Irish immigration in the 1840s, as well as frequent nationalist calls for poetic production as a means of justifying and securing American hemispheric hegemony.5 Though its stakes resonate nationally, this article excavates them in the extraordinary locality of “Baker Farm”—a triplex signifier that gathers 1) the middle chapter of Walden (1854), which quotes extensively from 2) the long locodescriptive poem that concludes Channing’s volume The Woodman (1849),6 and 3) the “outlands” of “James Baker’s large farm,” a previously unimproved tract made potentially profitable by the depressed cost of labor and the increased ease of transporting agricultural commodities in the 1840s.7 At the same time, a close examination of how Walden’s “complex pastoral” reacts to and assimilates the verse extracts responsible for these tensions in the “Baker Farm” chapter elucidates how Thoreau’s flexible prose depends on a shrewd inheritance of certain verse genres.8
Extant efforts to rehabilitate “Baker Farm” and parse out its layered tensions have depended on reading biographically, on reading through Irish race to ideological and economic tensions, and on underscoring the episode’s destabilizing ironies. William Gleason is the first to stress Thoreau’s considerable efforts on behalf of the impoverished Irish child, Johnny Riordan, as evidence of a gap between Thoreau’s personal attitudes toward the Irish and their allegorization in Walden, an argument furthered by Dassow Walls in 2015.9 Drawing on the broad cultural metonymy between the Irish and unskilled labor, Gleason argues that “the bog farmer” is for Thoreau “an emblematic foil…against whom to construct his narrator’s identity as…a ‘free’ person,” whose characterization is preserved even after Thoreau’s attitudes toward the Irish warm because by the time of Walden’s major 1852–54 revisions this tight midpoint chapter had become “structurally pivotal” (“Re-Creating Walden,” 693, 694).10 Dassow Walls, leaning on biography, suggests further that John Field, whose name echoes that of John Thoreau, is transformed at the end of “Higher Laws” into successful townsman “John Farmer.” Harsh portrayals of the Irish in “Baker Farm,” Dassow Walls suggests, reflect Thoreau’s disappointment at Irish conformity to “the same slave-driving global capitalism that has instituted Southern chattel slavery” it might otherwise disrupt (“‘As You are Brothers of Mine,’” 18).11
Such valuable contextualizations are the foundation of this argument, though their defense of Thoreau’s liberal bona fides comes at the expense of an evasion of Walden’s text. By contrast, this article recognizes in “Baker Farm” not an accidental, but an explicit challenge to liberal pieties, whether in 1854 or 2025. It further recognizes that the moral surprise is intertwined with the stylistic and formal surprises created by the chapter’s protean acts of voicing, chief among which are its ambivalent inhabitations of Channing’s poem. Verse, as Thoreau’s chapter allows us to see, is a problematic and inevitable target for Thoreau because the medium, and the figure of the poet, are so privileged in the version of transcendentalism Emerson sets out. We do not need to bring in a Whitmanian iconoclast to complete the task Concord writers were able to imagine but could not fulfill; for Thoreau, as for Emerson, Channing’s prolific production and claims to the mantle made him the representative transcendental poet, his evident flaws notwithstanding.12 Reading Walden’s instances of intermittent, liminal, and absorbed verse as load-bearing elements throws new light on the metaphysical ambitions of transcendentalism, marking and enacting the slippery, occasional temporality that is so characteristic of it. As critics such as Timothy Sweet have shown, the historicity and generic friction inherent to practices of extracting create rich, contestable nodes of meaning for both authors and commentators.13
Take, for instance, Thoreau’s quotation of William Gilpin quoting Milton in “The Pond in Winter.” Having dismissed popular myths of “Bottomless Ponds” and plumbed the pond’s depth (“exactly one hundred and two feet”) in highly matter-of-fact language, Thoreau then lets Gilpin, the popularizer of the picturesque, hoist himself on his own bombast (Walden, pp. 287–288). Gilpin’s sentimental magniloquence offers a literary parallel to Thoreau’s credulous villagers peering into the ice “with watery eyes” (Walden, p. 285). The effect is clean, and by quoting Gilpin’s ornamental quotation of Paradise Lost (1667), itself paraphrasing Genesis, Thoreau spoils it.14 Milton’s sober, equanimous lines exceed both Gilpin’s handwaving (“crash,” “convulsion,” “gushed,” “horrid”) and the interpretive and tonal framework Thoreau has prepared. What Thoreau gains, in a chapter that contrasts surface illusions with an assay of the pond’s solid “bottom,” is a bifocal acknowledgment of how deeply Milton and Genesis undergird English prose, making palpable the flimsiness of structures built atop them. Though Milton’s lines function as a trailing ornament in Gilpin, as they hinge the reader back into Walden, we understand them to be, conversely, a deep wellspring for Thoreau. Activated by direct proximity to Milton, Thoreau’s sober skepticism becomes legible as a new and old cosmogony of water.
This method for interpreting Thoreau is prepared by critics such as Stanley Cavell and Branka Arsić, who urge readers not to discount feats of transcendentalist rhetoric, but to read them as encoding earnest, if often evanescent, metaphysical propositions.15 Few, however, have treated the complex sites where verse mediates prose. For Saundra Morris, the verse headers to Emerson’s essays act as thresholds readers must cross, which prepare them to read for a more lyrical formal logic captured in the figure of the Sphinx.16 Meredith McGill, reading Thoreau’s A Week on the Concord and Merrimack Rivers (1849), argues that the narrative discontinuity produced by frequent intrusions of verse inverts values of modernity and history, making future fragmentation tangible in contemporary work and ancient sources fresh. This culminates in a “powerful resistance to the reading norms of historicist literary criticism.”17 A similarly expansive view of poems’ “roles in creating lived and imagined relations among people” drives Michael Cohen’s The Social Lives of Poems in Nineteenth-Century America, most notably his discussion of how coterie circulation of multiply-authored poems enabled affective bonds and the “imaginative work of reform” necessary to abolitionist projects.18
Though claiming that verse may deform and reform logical causality, history, and the fabric of social bonds, respectively, may seem grandiose in an era accustomed to reading verse as a minor form, such claims pale beside the epochal claims made for and in American poetry in the early to middle nineteenth century. In 1836, Edgar Allen Poe asserted that true artists are “gifted ministers to those exalted emotions which link us with the mysteries of Heaven,” infinitely superior to “vermin” who “crawl around the altar of Mammon.”19 One might also cite John L. O’Sullivan’s fiercely nationalistic editorial of the inaugural number of The United States Magazine and Democratic Review (1837), which substantiates its thesis that literature is at once the foundation and apogee of democratic feeling by presenting William Cullen Bryant’s “The Battlefield” on the following page.20 However, the most familiar example may be Emerson, who, first in Nature (1836), and then in “The Poet” (1844), positions the poet as the renewer of language and society, whose mind is a “Noah’s ark” which will “people a new world.”21
The figure of the poet is less abstract than he seems. Like all of Emerson’s essays, “The Poet” gathers material from across his notebooks, but one of its germinating occasions was Emerson’s rhapsodic response to an 1842 visit by Channing: “It is much to know that poetry has been written this very day, under this very roof, by your side. What [!] that wonderful spirit has not ceased! these stony moments are still sparkling and animated!”22 A year later, in May 1843, the ringing prose that would become the essay’s conclusion (“thou true land-lord!…he is the Universe in a mask”) segues directly to “20 May. Walked with Ellery. In the landscape felt the magic of colour.”23 Indeed, Emerson’s enthusiasm was of unusual duration. It resulted in Channing moving to Concord in 1843 and becoming the single contributor most represented in the contents of the Dial—even as Thoreau’s poetry was routinely rejected.24 Emerson’s retraction of encouragement from Thoreau in 1843 effectively silenced him as a poet.25 In Concord, Channing walked with Emerson sometimes twice a day and is frequently quoted in his journals, as well as in Thoreau’s 1848 Journal, in which he is the constant presence denoted “C.”26 The three-way friendship is memorialized in their naming a site of frequent excursion “Three Friends’ Hill” (or, per F.B. Sanborn, “The Hill of Three Friends”; later, Lincoln Hill) as it is in the mingled record of their literary conversations that Channing assembled at Emerson’s behest, “Country Walks.”27 Thoreau made both mundane and career-defining journeys with Channing, including to Cape Cod (Cape Cod, 1865, ed. Channing), to Fire Island to gather what effects of Margaret Fuller Ossoli’s they could (she was Channing’s sister-in-law), and to Quebec (A Yankee in Canada, 1866, ed. Channing), the Catskills, and New Hampshire.28 Despite his present reputation, Channing was an outsize presence in the intellectual and social life of transcendentalist Concord, especially for Thoreau.
A punning 1845 letter that Channing writes in response to Thoreau, who was melancholy in New York, is representative of their jostling familiarity. Channing writes:
I see nothing for you in this earth but that field which I
once christened “Briars”; go out upon that, build yourself
a hut, & there begin the grand process of devouring
yourself alive. I see no alternative, no other hope for
you. Eat yourself up; you will eat nobody else, nor
anything else.29
Such advice is a direct translation of Channing’s own experiment in McHenry County, Illinois, where he farmed desultorily and wrote from 1839 to 1840. Within four months, Thoreau had moved to Emerson’s lot on Walden Pond (what Channing calls “Briars”). The letter’s language is striking for the avuncular interjection of Channing’s “I” into Thoreau’s material and intellectual condition, as Thoreau’s prospective actions are entirely subordinated to Channing’s repeated “seeing” of them. Stressing his “christen[ing]” of “Briars,” Channing casts himself as a name-giving Adam, and Thoreau as a banished Cain. When he exhorts Thoreau to “go out upon that,” the loose “that” refers not to a simple “field,” but to the entire noun phrase, field plus christened name, as imprinted by Channing’s mock-heroic sacrament. Self-cannibalism, in Channing’s injunction, reads as the parodical sublime of self-reliance, and foreshadows the dietetic qualms Thoreau develops in “Higher Laws.”
Channing may not own “Briars,” but in extending a claim to its poetic title, he shows how deeply he has metabolized the precedents articulated by Emerson in Nature and “The Poet.” In Nature, a revolutionary call for Thoreau’s and Channing’s generation, the poet detaches objects from their relations—he “lift[s] from the ground” “the mountain, the camp, the city, the hero, the maiden”—and, enlightened, orders them anew.30 Though Emerson employs the poet as an exponential case of man in general and stresses consistently that the poet’s power is purchased by his extreme receptivity to nature, he rings despotic. The poet’s “integrat[ing]” perception affords him the title to “the best part” of others’ fields; he “conforms things to his thoughts”; and the “imperial muse” of Shakespeare, the type of the poet, “subordinat[es] nature for the purposes of expression” (Nature, 9, 31). In “The Poet,” the poet’s association with land rights in the era of literary travel narratives and O’Sullivan-inspired expansionism is even more strongly marked. At first curiously objectified alongside his poems as, for instance, a “Chimborazo under the line, running up from the torrid base through all the climates of the globe, with belts of the herbage of every latitude on its high and mottled sides,” the poet becomes increasingly spiritualized over the course of the essay (“The Poet,” 6). Later, he is a kind of harvester of geographic potential, as with “an ear sufficiently fine” he records the melodic “daemon, or soul” that stands over “the sea, the mountain-ridge, Niagara, and every flower-bed” (15). At the essay’s conclusion, Emerson’s hortatives reach an aristocratic ecstasy: calling forward the “genius in America, with tyrannous eye,” he promises him,
Thou shalt have the whole land for thy park and manor, the
sea for thy bath and navigation, without tax and without
envy; the woods and the rivers thou shalt own; and thou
shalt possess that wherein others are only tenants and
boarders. Thou true land-lord! sea-lord! air-lord! (“The
Poet,” 21, 24)
Whether advancing the fiction of an uninhabited and abstract nature or explicitly devaluing rival claims (“others’ fields”; “others are only tenants”), Emerson’s promissory notes consistently transpose into a literary key the expropriations and the geographical primacy of settler colonial discourses.31
Emerson’s discounting of present occupancy in the light of an imperial future “possession” echoes nearly verbatim Alexis de Tocqueville’s discounting of indigenous claims in the first volume of Democracy in America (1835): “The Indians occupied [the wilderness], but they did not possess it”; “Providence…seemed to have given them only a short lease on [the wealth of the New World]; they were, in a way, only in the meantime.”32 As Adam Dahl argues, the obfuscation of such acts of disenfranchisement and appropriation underpins declarations of both political and intellectual independence, even as representations of evacuated space actively participate in the forceful realization of the absence they depict.33 Indeed, Dahl stresses how deeply the fiction of empty, cultivable land underpins Emerson’s use of it as a moral and cultural foundation for American character, which “closely mirrors but also extends beyond O’Sullivan’s safety-valve theory of colonization” (Empire of The People, p. 123). Dahl’s argument, however, needs to be expanded to acknowledge that Emersonian and de Tocquevillian “possession” emerges not only in emptiness, but also against the specter of mere tenancy that haunts Emerson’s essays, as it will emerge in the thinking of Thoreau and Channing, especially in “Baker Farm.”34
The specter of dispossession is the reason Emerson buys Walden at all. In a letter to William Emerson, Emerson recognizes his right to enjoy the land (described, with strong common-law overtones, as “a sort of daily occupancy”) is imperiled by “two or three men who told me they had come thither to sell & to buy a field, on which they wished me to bid as a purchaser.”35 These deindividuated (“two or three”) fates who herald the transformation of the economic and legal order are not the only actors interpellating Emerson into this economy; the day after his impulse buy, Emerson writes, “I carried some of my well-beloved gossips to the same place & they deciding that the field was not good for anything, if Heartwell Bigelow should cut down his pine-grove, I bought, for 125 dollars more, his pretty wood lot of 3 or 4 acres.” Despite the peer pressure, the result is a sublime ownership: by the paragraph’s conclusion Emerson has become, in wry grandeur, “landlord & waterlord of 14 acres, more or less, on the shore of Walden…and mad for more” (letter to William Emerson, 4 Oct. 1844, 263). In terminology (“Thou true land-lord! sea-lord!”) as in ascent from reluctance to a semi-possessed tyranny (“mad for more”), the letter strongly echoes “The Poet,” whose imminent publication Emerson closes the letter to William by anticipating; his acts of dominion are at once telluric and literary.36 Furthermore, in 1844, Emerson’s available “well-beloved gossips” would almost certainly consist of Channing, Thoreau, and possibly Alcott, making it likely that this assessment (“not good for anything”) is also the occasion of Channing, ever puckish, interjecting himself into Walden’s primal scene by christening it “Briars.”
Channing’s poems pick up Emerson’s aristocratic vision of the landlord-poet as an ideal, but one that emerges most dramatically in counterfactual response to the poet’s actual tenancy, his economic and social marginalization. This empowerment of the ideal poet, and the assumption of his mantle in response to an antagonistic cultural field, is set forth most explicitly in Channing’s Poems: Second Series (1847). There, the poet’s characteristic act is anathematic, sacralizing moments and locations by marking them as proprietary and removing them from secular circulation into a more exclusive literary circulation. But that act is only authorized in Channing’s poems by an intensity of affective response, which is supplemented in the next volume, The Woodman, by a georgic emphasis on the performance of poetic labor.37 Channing’s poets resemble, in this, the narrator of Walden—who is also constantly showing his work and belaboring his style as he bushwhacks his way out of capitalism’s ethical entanglements. (This near-indistinguishability, and the anxiety over it, power the masque between “Hermit” and “Poet” at the beginning of Walden’s “Brute Neighbors.”) Meanwhile Thoreau, I suggest, works hard to contain the Channing-esque figure of the Poet in Walden not just because of their structural similarity, but also because of the powerful continuity of the verse tradition that Channing speaks for and through, from which Thoreau, writing in variegated prose modes, has alienated himself. He does so by undermining linguistic “possession” as an attainable telos, and turning in a satirical key to the logic of the commons also latent in Emerson’s “The Poet.” This is the central gesture of his “Baker Farm.” As we will see, Thoreau’s narrator’s commitment to a doctrine of free, responsible, and evanescent use extends from axes, to land, to language, so much so that what he quotes he neither claims nor endorses, and indeed he often abandons his own words behind him.38
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Channing extends the claims of possession he makes in his 1845 “Briars” letter with the locodescriptive poems he writes while Thoreau is at Walden Pond, which frequently include Thoreau as a “hermit” or “poet,” as in the poem “Walden.” Though their competitive relationship is gentle in the poems, it is overt when Channing later describes Thoreau as merely “bivouack[ing]”—noting that he “really lived at home, where he went every day”—and in the acid-laced representation of Thoreau in the unpublished satire “Major Leviticus.”39 The poem “Walden” is the penultimate in Poems: Second Series, a volume in which Channing often claims the mantle of an idealized “Poet” who emerges in counterreaction to loss, is explicitly connected to the Puritan expropriation of Indian rights, and often extends claims to land above others’ rights.40 One such rival is Thoreau, whom the worldly speaker of Channing’s “Walden,” carefully contains as a harmless (“little”) figure, picturesquely “fitt[ed]” to his “place,” who “passes life” and “let[s] the line run off / The mortal reel” (Poems: Second Series, p. 157, ll. 10, 12, 13–14). This last image of belatedness bears an undertone of unsuccessful fishing and poetic failure. Against this, the Channing-Emersonian Poet encounters novel places, such as a deserted farm, and legibly sacralizes them by extending cosmopolitan cultural markers and highlighting the value of his own poetic activity.
This poetic activity is figured as manual labor in The Woodman, whose settings and themes closely presage Walden; in the opening title poem, the poet is introduced as an idealized laborer whose work improves land. The use of poetry—specifically the medial mode, georgic—as a means of expanding the cultural frontier echoes the nation-building projects explicit in the Virgilian poetic career and its English inheritors.41 In Channing’s “Baker Farm,” this vision of labor as simultaneously manual and poetic is the means by which the poem solves the sensual attraction of landscape with nature’s resistance to discrete legibility—one recurrent problem in transcendental poetry.42 In the poem’s central act, Channing remediates the “artless meadow.” Clearly enacting what he exhorts, the poem climaxes:
Pan of unwrinkled cream,
May some Poet dash thee in his churn,
And with thy beauty mad,
Verse thee in rhymes that burn;
Thy beauty,—the beauty of Baker Farm!
(“Baker Farm,” p. 90, ll. 39–43)
As “Baker Farm” has been throughout the subject of the apostrophe, the violent consummation staged here is rather circular: the land has to be “dash[ed]” (off) until “wrinkles” (i.e., poetic lines) appear, but the desired “beauty” exists a priori, and the syllogism lands with a tautological if frenzied thud. However, as in “churn[ing],” the repetitive circuit of reasoning and labor is the point. The sustained duration of the Poet’s active verb, to verse, interrupts (“wrinkle”; interfere with circumstance) and alienates “artless” land, as it integrates his attributes into the landscape—“mad,” an attribute of the Plotinian poet, seems at first to attach adjectivally to “thy beauty”; rhymes “burn,”—making newly visible what was already there.43 Having thus introduced himself into the circuit of perception, affect, and naming, Channing’s prophet-poet intones: “Thou art expunged from to-day,” and, later, in the lines that conclude the poem and the collection:
Value that cannot be spent,
Volume that cannot be lent,
Passable to me and thee,
For Heaven thou art meant!
(p. 92, ll. 89–92)44
With this last apotheosis, the physical farm is simultaneously converted into its representation (“volume”) and removed from circulation; it remains “passable” only to the intimate poetic counterpublic—“me and thee”—the poem itself has cultivated.45
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Thoreau’s Walden, excerpting and anonymizing Channing’s “Baker Farm” as it does with other poems, gives the lie to such exclusivity. Rather than the “air-lord,” the open door of Thoreau’s cabin endorses a different side of Emerson, the “adventitious” and reader-oriented poetics of “happy hits” advocated in “Thoughts on Art” in which verse gives “greater delight…in happy quotation than in the poem.”46 Among the many features of Channing’s poem Thoreau incorporates and reorients is the metaphor of land as un-churned cream, a figure which partly reflects the rapid, railroad-enabled reorientation of Concord’s agricultural economy toward butter production for the Boston market. This is the explanation for the Field family’s presence at all: as Robert Gross records, the increase in potential returns led farmers to hire cheap Irish labor to ditch their boggy meadows, reflected in the poem by the “wrinkles” that stand for both lines of verse and ditches.47 By the time Thoreau reuses the metaphor in “Where I Lived, and What I Lived For” to describe the poet’s appropriation of land, the churning has dropped out, and Channing’s earnest versifier is peaked to parody. Thoreau writes:
But I retained the landscape, and I have since annually carried off what it yielded without a wheelbarrow. With respect to landscapes,—
“I am monarch of all I survey,
My right there is none to dispute.”
I have frequently seen a poet withdraw, having enjoyed the most valuable part of a farm, while the crusty farmer supposed that he had got a few wild apples only. Why, the owner does not know it for many years when a poet has put his farm in rhyme, the most admirable kind of invisible fence, has fairly impounded it, milked it, skimmed it, and got all the cream, and left the farmer only the skimmed milk. (Walden, pp. 82–83)
Here, the movement from prose into a ventriloquized poetic hyperbole (the boast is from Cowper, speaking as a shipwrecked Selkirk—both notably penurious figures) has the curious effect of splitting or alienating Thoreau’s voice. Before he steps into Cowper’s monarchical “I,” the narrator, a poet himself, “carrie[s] off” the (literary) yields of landscape; after the excess of the verse interruption, his perspective is allied with the farmer, against the Emersonian/Channingian poet who has become a knavish land speculator. Although the extrinsic quotation seems to emerge metonymically through an associative logic of commonplaces about the relationship of poets to landscape, the earnestness of its absolute claim ends up inscribing a tonal nec plus ultra, from which the narrator recoils.48 By the time the thread of Thoreau’s prose picks up again, the narrator has exiled the now-ridiculous poet, his semblable, as retrograde and antidemocratic. From the perspective of working proprietorship, the poet’s invisible hand resembles the alienating and intersecting processes of extractive debt finance and the legal processes (“impound”) that enforce it, the deceptions of which Thoreau decries in “Economy.”49
In contrast with Channing’s production of confidently epiphanic artifacts, Walden’s flexible tonal matrix repeatedly figures how stressing the processes of writing and thinking reveals new ways not of knowing, but—in Cavell’s idiom—its cousin, “neighboring.”50 Knowledge is teleological, possessable; neighboring is a dynamic state of readjusting relationships, entailing frequent acts of turning away, or “aversion.” I offer the term here as a way of thinking, too, about how Thoreau incorporates and abandons extrinsic texts, and how this frictional process, reconstituting narrator and reader, makes us reconsider how persons do and do not emerge in language (as critics such as Sharon Cameron have influentially suggested) and renews our sense of the ethics of coexistence in a linguistic commons. Poetry, especially, enters as a way of dramatizing the insufficiencies of the narrator’s single perspective, perforating the envelope of the book’s generic affiliation and its narrative time, as in the example above. “Economy” ends with “complementary verses” that in fact invert the chapter’s argument; at the end of “House Warming,” the words of Ellen Sturgis Hooper’s poem “The Wood-Fire” (1840) “return…with new force,” pointing toward a temporality of return and renovation that remains only a shadow in the text proper (Walden, p. 254). Poignantly, in “The Ponds,” immediately after the narrator cries, “Walden, is it you?” the text answers in an altered voice, chastened and stern:
I cannot come nearer to God and Heaven
Than I live to Walden even.
I am its stony shore,
And the breeze that passes o’er.
(Walden, p. 193)
Time has passed; the “I” seems to have weathered between the cry and the answer. The poem curtails the gnostic impulse toward rapturous identification with nature with Yankee skepticism; though it limits itself to that which is adjacent to Walden—the “shore” and “breeze”—it inhabits these powerfully. Whereas for Channing place is a simple value that must be improved and it is the role of the poet that is held at a slight remove (and arrogated), Thoreau uses verse to approach, slant, a pond that, though unknowable in itself, charges neighboring entities with meaning.
Such a moment shows Thoreau exploiting the resources of lyric poetry—personae, enjambed or leaping thought, and capacities for rooted sincerity and intense affect, including a genealogical relationship to questions near divinity—as a supplement to the agile tonal and tropological play Walden’s prose has taught us to read for. Unfortunately, as with the narcotic “Chalmers’ collection of English poetry” which the narrator can’t read “without skipping,” the prose narrative picks up after the poem by telling us “the [railroad] cars never pause to look at it” (Walden, pp. 259, 193). Verse is again exiled as marginalized because of its slow temporality, hence antimodern and antidemotic associations.51 “Sounds,” a chapter deeply nostalgic for the capacities of lyric fluency, twice repeats this gesture, anxiously severing quoted verse with the intrusion of railroad time, as the time it takes to read poetry is counterpointed with the bustle of modernity (Walden, pp. 115, 121). This reflex ironization of verse incursions throughout the text is necessary context as Thoreau remediates and intervenes in Channing’s poem—amid other alien linguistic material—in the tonally uneasy “Baker Farm” chapter.
***
This chapter, characterized by intense punning and whiplash, unmarked ventriloquisms of Biblical and literary sources, shows us Thoreau’s narrator at his most extravagant and—with respect to his labor sympathies—most suspect.52 As almost all the manuscript pages associated with the “Baker Farm” chapter have gone missing, its draft evolutions also present a cipher. Gleason notes that “nearly every leaf on which these specific passages probably appeared is missing from the original 1847 manuscript” (“Re-Creating Walden,” 692). Beginning in a habitual past (“Sometimes I rambled”) the chapter thematizes in its first two paragraphs not settlement but wandering and deviation, alongside cognate themes: imagination, shadows, ephemeral light effects, and fishing, which are refracted through intense Biblical allusion (two rainbows, “the elect”) (Walden, p. 201). Its central episode then picks up with the narrator’s arrival at the physical Baker Farm, which is described via a six-line quotation of Channing’s poem, and then, when the weather storms, another four-line quotation which describes the Field family’s hut. After a few pages in which the narrator volubly fails to impart his philosophy to them, he flees, momentarily doubts himself—“my haste to catch pickerel…appeared for an instant trivial”—before the voice of his “Good Genius,” heavily paraphrasing Ecclesiastes, enters the text to confirm him in his philosophy: “Enjoy the land, but own it not” (p. 207). Immediately thereafter, a lyric apostrophe—“O Baker Farm!”—sets up Thoreau’s dramatic recutting of Channing’s 92-line poem down to a 14-line sonnet with revolutionary politics. Finally, John Field joins the narrator in fishing, but his failure to catch fish, even when the men change seats in the boat, becomes the occasion for the narrator’s fatal pronouncement on his “derivative old country mode” and inability “to rise in this world” (pp. 208–209).
The text’s style is striking in its magpie licentiousness, even as the physical topos through which the narrator errs is already triply marked—by its owner James Baker, by Channing’s poem, and by the tenant Field family. Thoreau’s linguistic excesses and transformations must be read as ways of navigating these competing, prior discourses and claims. Place, in Thoreau’s writing, is never an unmediated phenomenological experience, but is always approached through its documentary and literary record; the near pastiche of “Baker Farm” merely highlights the latency of this fact throughout Walden.53 In this case, that literary record is overdetermined by Channing’s poetry, which represents for Thoreau a tradition he has first been rejected by, and then has repudiated. Whereas Channing represents the plot as vacant and in need of his improvement and regularization in a move familiar to settler colonial discourse, Thoreau represents it as a linguistic commons overfull with stylistic, epistemological, and generic conventions that he inhabits only in order to satirize and disown them.
Quoting the first few lines of Channing’s poem as descriptive flavor, Thoreau archly stresses it as a quaint and picturesque “retreat”:
I set out one afternoon to go a-fishing to Fair-Haven, through the woods, to eke out my scanty fare of vegetables. My way led through Pleasant Meadow, an adjunct of the Baker Farm, that retreat of which a poet has since sung, beginning,—
“Thy entry is a pleasant field,
Which some mossy fruit trees yield
Partly to a ruddy brook,
By gliding musquash undertook,
And mercurial trout,
Darting about.”
I thought of living there before I went to Walden. I “hooked” the apples, leaped the brook, and scared the musquash and the trout. It was one of those afternoons which seem indefinitely long before one, in which many events may happen, a large portion of our natural life, though it was already half spent when I started. (Walden, p. 203)
As elsewhere, the presence of poetry is associated with a satire of spectral harvesting and a past anterior.54 The harvest here is the quotation itself, the succeeding paraphrase of which plunders its fruit trees, “leap[s]” or evades its brook, and “scare[s]” off its animals: each line is negated, apotropaically, as it is absorbed in the prose. “Hooked,” which does not occur in the poem, seems to land in quotation marks because its link to the rhyme scheme makes it suspect. The insistence with which Thoreau stresses his own priority to the poem (“since sung”; “before I went”) as he juxtaposes its putative instantaneity with Walden’s long gestation reflects an anxiety over precedent: a lyric such as Channing’s buttresses Walden’s fleeting moment with the longue durée of powerful tradition, effects which Thoreau’s prose experiment has to reproduce anew, internally. This proximity to the dilatory effect of lyric time and its prodigious belatedness produces the pathos of “it was already half spent when I started.”
Two sentences later, Thoreau brings in Channing again to figure that poetic tradition as shelter—however disused, borrowed, and isolated from the common road. When a storm sends him running for cover, the narrator uses deictics (“here”, “therein”) to interact with the quoted verse as an object even more explicitly, linking himself and John Field as two temporary inhabitants of poetic convention:
I made haste for shelter to the nearest hut, which stood half a mile from any road, but so much the nearer to the pond, and had long been uninhabited:—
“And here a poet builded,
In the completed years,
For behold a trivial cabin
That to destruction steers.”
So the Muse fables. But therein, as I found, dwelt now John Field. (Walden, pp. 203–204)
In Thoreau’s quotation, the casually picturesque imputation of a previous “poet” as the builder of the “trivial cabin” in Channing’s poem slips naturally to the most proximate poet, Channing himself. The invocation of a “cabin,” of course, makes the situation an uncomfortable and obvious doubling of Thoreau’s own house—from which the chapter gathers some of its satirical bite. Even as Channing’s subjectivity is attached to this “trivial cabin,” however, Thoreau stresses the serial emptiness of the role, and the meniality of its condition.
In one sense, the claims to ownership exerted by Channing’s poem have worked: Thoreau links him foundationally to the place. But he does so to dance around him, making him another trivial representative of a decomposing tradition and a superseded stage of development. Making John Field the denizen of the cabin “a poet” (Channing) “builded” is both a measure of its decline into parody, and, in its lingering on the uncleanliness of the domicile, an exposure of the original class lie implicit in the highly aestheticized georgic tradition itself—hence the disclaiming sarcasm of “So the Muse fables.” Whereas Channing tucks Thoreau away in a “little hermitage” in the poem “Walden,” Thoreau, in “Baker Farm,” steps inside Channing’s cabin and finds it clacking with chickens and peasants. Thoreau represents the lease on poetic language as short, entailed, and inherently subject to reappropriation.55
Under this thick agar of literary modes and referents the Field family is buried. Take, for instance, the stylized excess of the “wrinkled, sibyl-like, cone-headed infant that sat upon its father’s knee as in the palaces of nobles…with the privilege of infancy, not knowing but it was the last of a noble line, and the hope and cynosure of the world” (Walden, p. 204). When read as part of the narrator’s negotiation of physical and literary territory imprinted by Channing’s rural Romantic tropes, the description shows rightly as mock language of aristocratic privilege and inherited ownership, an assault on the “derivative old country mode” not only of Field’s economic activity, but of Channing’s poetry. In the infant’s description lies a parody of Wordsworth’s “Intimations of Immortality” (1807): “Behold the Child among his new-born blisses, / A six years’ Darling of a pigmy size!”56 Biological age is no match, here, for the premature senescence of outdated social and aesthetic orders; race and poverty are two of several factors stiffening the child into aesthetic object.57 Recognizing that Thoreau has in mind imported Romantic precedents clarifies the otherwise obscure admonition of the “Good Genius” toward the end of the chapter—“Grow wild according to thy nature, like these sedges and brakes, which will never become English hay” (Walden, p. 207, emphasis added). In Thoreau’s call for the Irish to reject a default American consumerism is sublated an appeal for American poets to write verse unmediated by the English pastoral.
This “Good Genius” comes in to preach a Demosthenic abnegation more drastic even than Thoreau’s: “Take shelter under the cloud, while they flee to carts and sheds” (Walden, p. 207).58 The introduction of this alien voice, and the extreme permeability to event and language it advocates, signals the fray of individual identity that is figured, later, in the narrator’s “switching places” with Field in the boat. Thoreau forthwith pursues this abnegation of verbal identity and property by fusing his own voice and Channing’s. Whereas previous quotations of Channing’s poem are introduced by clear attribution (“a poet”; “the Muse fables”) and thus cordoned off, here the text slips into verse via the signature of lyric overflow and authentic individual affect: “O Baker Farm!” Such a generic gesture strongly prepares the reader to expect extemporaneous output from a Romantic speaker. Instead, Thoreau serves Gordon Lish-esque editorial practice, stitching together four parts of Channing’s 92-line “Baker Farm” into a sonnet which cancels out, in both practice and content, the grounds of Channing’s proprietary claims. With repeated negations (“No one…no man…never perplexed”) and the denial of economic value (“the richest element / is a little sunshine”), Thoreau’s revision preserves the farm as a locus of festal revolutionary potential that, scrambling received political and religious affiliations, remains outside the social order. It concludes by forcing our gaze back on “the state” and the social “conspiracies” which structure the experience of any discrete “landscape”:
Come ye who love,
And ye who hate,
Children of the Holy Dove,
And Guy Faux of the state,
And hang conspiracies
From the tough rafters of the trees!
(Channing qtd. in Walden, p. 208)
Whereas in Channing’s original this ecstatic note is absorbed back into a more elegiac, conventional tone, Thoreau revels in its latent wildness, exploring how the “hate” and “peril” that comes of being a riotous guest in another’s text, or cabin, might redound politically and create genuinely “new experience and character” (p. 208)
***
The ethical shock of Thoreau’s treatment of the Field family is not diluted by this density of intra-literary engagements. Rather, it is intensified; social violence is necessary to make palpable the consequences, potentially salutary and presently deleterious, that attend on the extreme literary abnegations of social codes, of property, that Thoreau’s narrator experiments with in “Baker Farm.” The wordplay of a statement such as “the culture of an Irishman is an enterprise to be undertaken with a sort of moral bog hoe,” for example, does not soften the jab, but deepens it, as physical figures of digging prevent “culture” from rising into an intellectual valence (Walden, pp. 205-206). With “undertaken” and the violent cutting of bog-hoeing, the concomitant figure of not growing, the statement implies the burying of the “Irishman.”59 This caricature of Irishness, trapped in old-world attitudes, and blurring under the warping effects of Channingian poetics, with its parallel stress on misdirected industry, is what Thoreau must bury at Walden’s midpoint. The Fields are Thoreau’s inverse: heavy and bodied, as opposed to his persistent “lightness,” they are already encumbered by capitalist consumption without yet being able to be in it. Whereas Thoreau, during the first year at Walden, resembled them as a buyer, seller, and tiller, his second year featured a retreat from agriculture into an ethos of leisure, accompanied by the increased frequency of fishing, a practice he recommends to the Fields, “without labor, but as a recreation” (Walden, p. 487). The Noahic covenant premised on the prevalent wandering in “Baker Farm” and activated by “recreation” makes clear that fishing, for Thoreau, functions from here on as an alternative master figure for the production of poetic lines.60 The fishing line, aleatory and contingent, evades the georgic’s willfulness and its equation of lines with labores and furrows, deriving poetic production ultimately from the “sweat of [the] face.”61 Still, a structural parallel to Irish itinerance notably frames Thoreau’s own philosophical and linguistic tenancy: not only does the narrator originally build with the boards of James Collins’s shanty, but also that family’s few “encumbrances” and ease of motion are far more positively valued (Walden, p. 43).
One way of reckoning with Walden’s rhetorical violence is prepared by Katie Simon’s argument about narratorial detachment in Thoreau’s Cape Cod. Simon takes as object another episode of ambivalent ethical response to Irish suffering, the shipwreck of the famine ship, St. John. Reading the text alongside J.M.W. Turner’s The Slave Ship (1840), she argues that the narrator’s “mimetic performance of detachment…models the detachment of capitalist systems, thus disturbing our notion of a heroic pastoral retreat.”62 Such a model requires the implicit sacrifice of the narrator’s ethical authority as he, complicit but aware, resigns himself to functioning as the mouthpiece of the systems to which he belongs. In Thoreau’s “Baker Farm,” characterized by a broadly mordant satire of the narrator’s reform efforts, the systems in question are the linked tropologies of English verse conventions, the proprietary poiesis of Emerson and Channing, and the erosion of the commons by a burgeoning consumer economy. By peopling a landscape depopulated in Channing and showing in the breach how the ethics of literary representation redound in the social realm, Thoreau leverages a strong critique of the obfuscations of rural poetry, and, in an American context, the settler-colonial fantasy of empty, moral earth on which Emerson’s hortatives depend. In this, Thoreau anticipates Raymond Williams’s argument that the country house poem functions as a mystification that replaces human “work” with a vision of land “yielding of itself.”63 Having registered the human toll of these interlocking discourses on the Fields, Walden’s narrator—his own identity scrambled in the vanity fair of allusion, pastiche, and quotation—does not recover. The subsequent, self-ironizing masque between the Hermit and the Poet in “Brute Neighbors,” which distances both figures equally, is a preliminary recognition that the toll of “Baker Farm’s” renunciatory “errand” is too high and that, despite his struggle to escape it, Thoreau remains as trapped in generic precedent and archetype as Channing. The thematic expansions of the text’s second half derive their force from the narrator’s sublime acceptance of his complicity in such systems.
In “Baker Farm,” Walden draws closest to the formative verse traditions Thoreau was slowly renouncing, resulting in the crisis this paper details; elsewhere in the text, the relationship is less personally and ethically fraught. However, the ways Walden incorporates, appropriates, and distances verse in the matrix of its prose throughout offer rich insights into Thoreau’s thinking about literary and economic appropriation, his development as a language artist away from Emerson’s shadow, and, generically, into the twilight authority of poetry as a privileged medium for representing and culturing American geography, with which emergent prose forms had to reckon.64 Further, the friction in these acts of textual neighboring generates fields of ethical and epistemological purposiveness as poetry’s tendency toward polysemy makes it liable to evade the cordon of quotation and invokes a vertical temporality at odds with the metonymic skew of prose narrative, and as poetry deploys meaning along semi-rational vectors such as sound and affect.65 Such verse extracts, and the poetic authority they reserve, whether in literary sources, newspapers, or copy-books, need not represent diminished instances of majuscule poetry and independent forms; Emerson’s own “The Poet” advocates for both stances.66 Rather, such auxiliary verse represents a supplement and a challenge—from both the angle of genre, and of minoritarian or subalterned positions—to evolving American prose modes and the swiftly reorganizing society they speak to.
Notes
Henry David Thoreau, Walden, ed. J. Lyndon Shanley (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 2016), p. 75. Further references are to this edition and appear in the text.
Robert Cummings sees this gap as “self-satire” and suggests a reading of Walden as epistemological comedy, exploiting a persistent split between the author’s high-minded speculation and the narrator’s often contravening acts of wildness and habit (“Thoreau’s divide: rediscovering the environmentalist/agriculturalist debate in Walden’s ‘Baker Farm,’” Nineteenth-Century Prose, 31 [2004], 226).
Laura Dassow Walls, “‘As You Are Brothers of Mine’: Thoreau and the Irish,” The New England Quarterly, 88 (2015), 7.
With the exception of a few champions, both writers were industrious and critically neglected, though by many measures Channing was more prominent as the representative transcendental poet (not an entire positive). See Robert Richardson, Henry Thoreau: Life of the Mind (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1986), p. 142. Dassow Walls gives Channing relatively more attention than any biographer since Ellery Channing himself. See Dassow Walls, Henry David Thoreau: A Life (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 2017); for Channing’s writings on Thoreau, see Thoreau, The Poet-Naturalist: with Memorial Verses, (Boston: Roberts Brothers, 1873) and F.B. Sanborn, Henry D. Thoreau (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1882).
For the price of labor, see especially Robert A. Gross, “Culture and Cultivation: Agriculture and Society in Thoreau’s Concord,” The Journal of American History, 69 (1982), 42–61. For American literary nationalism, see Meredith L. McGill, American Literature and the Culture of Reprinting, 1834–1853 (Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 2003); J. Gerald Kennedy, Strange Nation: Literary Nationalism and Cultural Conflict in the Age of Poe (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 2016); and Robert S. Levine, Dislocating Race and Nation: Episodes in Nineteenth-Century American Literary Nationalism (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 2008). The corollary in the American context is pervasive and early; see Jay Fliegelman’s reading of Jefferson reading Ossian in Declaring Independence: Jefferson, Natural Language, and the Culture of Performance (Palo Alto: Stanford Univ. Press, 1993), especially chapter 4.
William Ellery Channing, “Baker Farm,” in The Woodman, and Other Poems (Boston: James Munroe and Co., 1849), p. 88.
Editor F.B. Sanborn appends this note to the 1902 edition of Channing’s Thoreau, The Poet-Naturalist (Boston: C.E. Goodspeed): “In 1848, when this poem was written, the retreat here celebrated was a most retired spot, the outlands on Fairhaven Bay of James Baker’s large farm in Lincoln, two miles southeast of Concord Village, and a mile or so from Thoreau’s Cove and cabin, then standing and but lately deserted by Henry. It is now the frontage of C.F. Adams’s villa” (p. 370, n. 1). Note the intensely interstitial triangulation of the place in both geography and histories of inhabitation. Sanborn invokes a prehistory of non-use, a brief interval of literary and agricultural productivity, and a present tense of leisure. For the price of labor and the rates of transport to Boston, see Gross, “Culture and Cultivation,” 53–55.
Leo Marx, The Machine in the Garden: Technology and the Pastoral Ideal in America (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 2000), p. 278 and passim.
William Gleason, “Re-Creating Walden: Thoreau’s Economy of Work and Play,” American Literature, 65 (1993), 673–701. See also Dassow Walls, “‘As You Are Brothers of Mine.’”
Robert Gross notes, “By 1855, one fifth of Concord’s 2,250 people were immigrants. Even more dramatically, Irishmen made up nearly half of all the local laborers, with Canadians adding another 4 percent” (“Thoreau and the Laborers of Concord,” Raritan Quarterly, 33 [2013], 57). Gleason examines Walden alongside the various reform literatures pervasive in the period.
Dassow Walls’s argument here parallels Noel Ignatiev’s well-known claims about the Irish-American alliance with Southern Democrats against abolition. See How the Irish Became White (New York: Routledge, 1995), in which Ignatiev records: “‘The Irish know,’ wrote an 1860 correspondent in the New York Evening Day Book, ‘that the Republicans would give the n***** preference over them—witness Massachusetts, the n***** is elevated, the Irishman is degraded” (p. 72).
Jay Grossman, in his assessment of Matthiessen, has called for a revision of the anachronistic “composite figure of Emerson/Whitman” as a way of reassessing Emerson’s social poetics on its own terms (Reconstituting the American Renaissance: Emerson, Whitman, and the Politics of Representation [Durham: Duke Univ. Press, 2003], p. 14).
See Timothy Sweet, “Tradition through Repetition: ‘The Present Crisis,’ Social Action, and the Literary Excerpt Genre,” J19: The Journal of Nineteenth-Century Americanists, 11 (2023), 149–169. Sweet challenges us to see the literary excerpt as a distinct, if primary or simple (in Bakhtin’s model) genre. He enjoins critics to read excerpts through the lens of pragmatics, for their use value in specific social situations, writing that “the history of excerpting long antedates academic literary study and taps into poetry’s capacity for aesthetic effects and its value as cultural capital” (163).
The lines from Paradise Lost run: “So high as heav’d the tumid Hills, so low / Down sunk a hollow bottom broad and deep, / Capacious bed of Waters” (John Milton, Paradise Lost, [New York: W.W. Norton and Co., 2021], Book 7, ll. 288–290).
See Stanley Cavell, The Senses of Walden: An Expanded Edition (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1992); and Branka Arsić, Bird Relics: Grief and Vitalism in Thoreau (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 2016).
Saundra Morris, “Through a Thousand Voices: Emerson’s Poetry and ‘The Sphinx,’” in Emerson’s Prose and Poetry, ed. Joel Porte and Saundra Morris (New York: W.W. Norton and Co., 2001), p. 779.
Meredith L. McGill, “Common Places: Poetry, Illocality, and Temporal Dislocation in Thoreau’s A Week on the Concord and Merrimack Rivers,” American Literary History, 19 (2007), 361.
Michael C. Cohen, The Social Lives of Poems in Nineteenth-Century America (Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 2015), pp. 9, 64.
Edgar Allen Poe, rev. of “Conti the Discarded,” Southern Literary Messenger, 2 (1836), 195.
John L. O’Sullivan, “Introduction,” The United States Magazine and Democratic Review, 1 (1837), 7, 14–15. Emerson was apparently on good terms with O’Sullivan, and it is in the Democratic Review that Emerson warmly reviews Channing’s work: “Mr. Channing’s Poems” appeared in the September 1843 issue.
Ralph Waldo Emerson, “The Poet,” in The Collected Works of Ralph Waldo Emerson, ed. Alfred R. Ferguson, Joseph Slater, et al., 10 vols. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1971–2013), III, 23. Further references are to this edition and appear in the text.
Ralph Waldo Emerson, notebook entry, September 1842, in Journals and Miscellaneous Notebooks of Ralph Waldo Emerson, ed. William H. Gilman et al., 16 vols. (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1960–82), VII, 463.
Ralph Waldo Emerson, “Walks with Ellery Channing,” ed. T.W. Higginson, The Atlantic Monthly, 90 (1902), 27. Emerson writes Channing: “Your [school] friend Samuel G. Ward…has communicated to me a number of your poems which I have read & still read with great delight. I have seen no verses written in America that have such inward music, or that seem to me such authentic inspiration” (30 Jan. 1840, in The Letters of Ralph Waldo Emerson, ed. Ralph L. Rusk and Eleanor Tilton, 10 vols. [New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1939–96], II, 252–253).
On Emerson’s support: “The poems I have just been reading of C. are a steady autumnal light. That is not in them which they give me. Over every true poem lingers a certain wild beauty immeasurable; a happiness lightsome and delicious fills my heart & brain” (Emerson, notebook entry, October 1839, in Journals and Miscellaneous Notebooks, VII, 276). Compare Hawthorne’s similarly conflicted endorsement in “Earth’s Holocaust” (1844): “a great deal of excellent inflammability was exhibited in a thin volume of poems by Ellery Channing; although, to speak the truth, there were certain portions that hissed and spluttered in a very disagreeable fashion” (Nathaniel Hawthorne, “Earth’s Holocaust,” Graham’s Lady’s and Gentleman’s Magazine, 25 [1844], 198). On Dial contributors: A cross-sourced list of contents and contributors is found in George Willis Cooke, An Historical and Biographical Introduction to Accompany The Dial, As Reprinted in Numbers for the Rowfant Club, 2 vols. (Cleveland: Rowfant Club, 1902), II, 166–169, 196–211, and 216–217. See also Dassow Walls, Thoreau: A Life, p. 144. Emerson’s support, however, extends throughout his life. See his promotion of Channing’s poems to Thomas Mayo Brewer on December 18, 1846 (Emerson in His Own Time: A Biographical Chronicle of His Life, Drawn from Recollections, Interviews, and Memoirs by Family, Friends, and Associates, ed. Ronald A. Bosco and Joel Myerson [Iowa City: Univ. of Iowa Press, 2003] p. 121); and his production of a carefully positive introduction to Channing’s The Wanderer: a colloquial poem (Boston: James R. Osgood and Co., 1871), pp. v-viii. Channing is represented by no fewer than eight lyrics in Emerson’s anthology Parnassus (1874), while Keats and Coleridge, by contrast, have six each.
On Channing’s need for affirmation as fulfilled by Emerson’s approbation, see Kathryn B. McKee, “‘A Fearful Price I Have Had to Pay for Loving Him’: Ellery Channing’s Troubled Relationship with Ralph Waldo Emerson,” Studies in the American Renaissance (1994), 254–255. For Thoreau, see William Moss, “‘So Many Promising Youths’: Emerson’s Disappointing Discoveries of New England Poet-Seers,” The New England Quarterly, 49 (1976), 50. See also Dassow Walls, Thoreau: A Life, p. 144. Compare to Emerson’s notebook entry of November 1842 for his cooling attitude toward Thoreau’s verse, in which “the gold does not yet flow pure, but is <only> drossy and crude” (Journals and Miscellaneous Notebooks, VIII, 257).
Among numerous exemplars, see an excursion to White Pond in 1848 in which Channing’s commentary crosses Emerson’s own: “Another walk with Ellery Channing well worth commemoration, if that were possible; but no pen could write what we saw…It was the world seen through a prism, and set Ellery on wonderful Lucretian theories of ‘law and design.’ For how many ages of lovely days has that pretty wilderness of White Pond received the sun and clouds into its transparencies, and woven each day new webs of birch and pine” (Emerson, notebook entry, 28 October 1848, in Journals and Miscellaneous Notebooks, XI, 36). The language of the pond’s mirroring trees strongly echoes Channing’s description of the same in his poem “Walden” (1848).
For “Three Friends’ Hill” see Herbert Wendell Gleason, “Map of Concord, Mass. Showing Localities mentioned by Thoreau in his Journals,” 1906, ID 17747164, Lincoln Maps Collection, Lincoln Town Archives, Lincoln, Mass., available online at <https://lincolntownarchives.omeka.net/items/show/62>. For Sanborn’s commentary, see F.B. Sanborn, “Emerson and His Friends in Concord,” The Concord Saunterer, 16 (1981), 18. For “Country Walks” see Channing’s response to a (lost) proposal by Emerson, 4 May 1853, in Walter Harding, “Two F.B. Sanborn Letters,” American Literature, 25 (1953), 230. Channing’s manuscript is preserved as the central interlude, “Walks and Talks,” of Thoreau, The Poet-Naturalist (1873), pp. 133–169.
Harvard’s Houghton Library (F.B. Sanborn archive) preserves locks of Fuller Ossoli’s hair gathered by the pair. For Thoreau’s writings on Cape Cod, see Cape Cod, ed. Ellery Channing and Sophia Thoreau (1865). For Thoreau on Quebec, see A Yankee in Canada, ed. Channing, Emerson, and Sophia Thoreau (1866). Both trips are recorded in posthumous publications by Ticknor and Fields, Boston. Channing’s presence is generally minimized. His traces are in the first-person plural of the narratives and their occasional references to a “companion.”
William Ellery Channing, letter to Henry David Thoreau, 5 March 1845, in The Correspondence of Henry David Thoreau, ed. Walter Harding and Carl Bode (New York: New York Univ. Press, 1958), p. 268.
Ralph Waldo Emerson, Nature, in The Collected Works of Ralph Waldo Emerson, ed. Alfred R. Ferguson, Joseph Slater, et al., 10 vols. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1971–2013), I, 31. Further references are to this edition and appear in the text.
The exclusive title Emerson promises is a long drift indeed from the republican ring of the more frequently cited second paragraph of “The Poet,” which declares “the poet is representative. He stands among partial men for the complete man, and apprises us not of his wealth, but of the commonwealth” (“The Poet,” 4).
Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, ed. and trans. Harvey C. Mansfield and Delba Winthrop (Chicago: Chicago Univ. Press, 2000), pp. 26–27.
Adam Dahl, Empire of The People: Settler Colonialism and the Foundations of Modern Democratic Thought (Lawrence: Univ. Press of Kansas, 2018), pp. 81–82.
“Possession,” for Thoreau, is almost always transient, as in “accidental possession” or his insistence that most apparent “possessor[s]” are in fact mortgaged to the hilt (Walden, p. 23).
Ralph Waldo Emerson, letter to William Emerson, 4 October 1844, in The Letters of Ralph Waldo Emerson, III, 262.
“My book [Essays: Second Series], I prayed the publisher to secure me some copies of in time to send you tomorrow but he did not seem willing to promise any before Monday or Tuesday” (letter to William Emerson, 4 Oct. 1844, III, 263).
With their density of O!s, and their figurative translations of physical work into poetic work—chopping, churning, etc.—Channing’s poems point to the same residual unease with exchange capitalism that Marx diagnoses in the commodity, whose “suprasensible” element is the “congealed mass of human labor” that produced it (Karl Marx, Capital: A Critique of Political Economy: Volume 1 [London: Penguin Classics, 1990], pp. 165, 142). In this reading, the emphasis of Channing’s poems on visible labor and their melancholic recording of moments of non-inspiration function as demystifications of (literary) production, and politically, as (Romantic) gestures of affiliation with labor.
Emerson puns on various senses of “use” in “The Poet”: “We are far from having exhausted the significance of the few symbols we use. We can come to use them yet with a terrible simplicity” (p. 11). On Thoreau’s intermittent endorsement of his own writing as signaled by postural shifts, see Cavell, The Senses of Walden.
Henry David Thoreau, Walden, ed. Jeffrey S. Cramer (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 2004), n. on p. 58. Francis B. Dedmond, “Ellery Channing’s ‘Major Leviticus: His Three Days in Town’: An Unpublished Satire,” Studies in the American Renaissance (1979), 409–456.
William Ellery Channing, Poems: Second Series (Boston: James Munroe and Co., 1847). Subsequent references are to this edition and appear in the text. Poe had savaged Channing’s first Poems (1843), which Emerson sponsored, helped assemble, and reviewed. His dented pride is palpable as the second book doubles down on Channing’s right to the title of Poet (and on an Emersonian titling convention). For loss, see Channing’s “The Poet” in Poems: Second Series (p. 103); and “Autumn”: “I love thee, Autumn, ruthless harvester! / Thou dost permit my stagnant veins to flow, / And in my heart a Poet’s feelings stir, / To thee a Poet’s fruits I owe” (p. 141, ll. 5–8). For Puritan appropriation, see “New England,” where Channing’s right to “grasp” the “Poet’s pen” is connected explicitly to his ability as a descendant to “decree” the “great thoughts” of “those stern men” “who took this Indian land to make them free” (p. 1, ll. 8–11).
Jane Tylus writes eloquently of Spenser’s mediation of the georgic mode in an earlier moment of economic development: “Unable to wholly adopt Virgil’s model for poetic work in a period during which the clashing claims of capitalism and patronage forced more thoughtful poets to reappraise their value to society, Spenser had to interact dialectically with that model in a fashion which Virgil himself already anticipated” (“Spenser, Virgil, and the Politics of Poetic Labor,” ELH, 55 [1988], 56).
The difficult secularization of the Book of Nature trope is reflected across the movement. For instance, in his “Baker Farm” Channing likens a derelict cabin to a “comma” “spilt” by “kind nature” (The Woodman, p. 89, ll. 34, 32). Notable exemplars of the impulse to read—and the shyness in actually reading—natural signs include Emerson’s Museum of Natural History revelation in Nature (which echoes into the late “Natural History of the Intellect”) and Thoreau’s “Natural History of Massachusetts,” published in The Dial, 3 (1842), 19–40.
The classical correlation of versus and poetic line, labor and poetic labor, is highly active here. Note the complex of puns on labore, artem, and vertere in Virgil’s Eclogues (Georgics. Aeneid: Books 1–6, trans. H. Rushton Fairclough, [Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1916], p. 26, ll. 118–123). Lawrence Buell argues that a fatal flaw of transcendental poetry was its lack of a working theory for craft; in this schematic, inspiration is the master term, leaving little room for revision and labor. As he writes, “Such highmindedness prevented them from grappling with the technical problems of craftsmanship as effectively as they might have otherwise. They preferred to jump from fact to essence, from the nuts and bolts of technique to affirmations like ‘The true poem is not that which the public read’; ‘Life is the Poem; Man is the Poet,’ and so forth. Because of this attitude, they quickly became dissatisfied with art as a whole, for it was obvious that even the greatest works do not fully realize the inspiration that gave rise to them” (Literary Transcendentalism: Style and Vision in the American Renaissance [Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, 1973], p. 68). Channing, while invoking the secularized religious discourse that Buell gathers, crosshatches it throughout The Woodman, and in “Baker Farm” specifically, with a georgic ideal of sustained labor and poetic production. One feature already present is “a trivial cabin” which “a Poet builded / In the completed years” (p. 89, ll. 29, 27–28). As soon as he introduces the threat of a previous poetic subjectivity, Channing minimizes and naturalizes it: “Should we judge it was built? / Rather by kind nature spilt” (ll. 31–32).
“Baker Farm” spends time in its middle teasing out the contours of a natural religion: “squirrel’s litany,” “churches in the steepled woods,” etc. (p. 91, ll. 59, 70).
This reading is possible if we resolve the multiplicity of second persons by reading the penultimate line’s “thee” as an aside to the reader. I do wonder if the removal of the farm to a higher plane here reflects an elegiac farewell to free passage and the kind of inhabitation practiced by the Field family in an era of enclosure and improvement of previously neglected marginal land. For counterpublic, see Michael Warner, “Publics and Counterpublics,” Public Culture, 14 (2002), 75.
Ralph Waldo Emerson, “Thoughts on Art,” The Dial, 2 (1841), 72.
Gross writes: “The intensification of farm work accelerated even more sharply after the railroad linked Concord more tightly and speedily to Boston market. The goods that the city demanded were those that required long hours of unremitting toil. Dairying was probably to become the most important. Between 1800 and 1840, as farmers turned to making butter for sale, the average herd of cows on a farm rose slightly from 4½ to 5. The next decade saw that figure increase again to 6. More dramatically, the proportion of men owning ten cows or more doubled from 11 to 22 percent” (“Culture and Cultivation,” 53).
Almost verbatim actions—skimming cream, filching apples—power James Russell Lowell’s satire of both men, who are rendered as nameless and indistinguishable imitators of Emerson who “skim” his brain and pick the apples from “the prophet’s each pocket.” Lowell addresses Thoreau (discernible by his short legs): “Can’t you let Neighbor Emerson’s orchards alone? / Besides, ‘tis no use, you’ll not find e’en a core,—/——[Channing] has picked up all the windfalls before” (A Fable for Critics [New York: Putnam, 1848], p. 32, ll. 1, 7, 11, 13–15).
The swaggering Yankee rhetoric stands in tonal if not substantive contrast to a more contemplative 1851 journal entry, equally concerned with the Poet’s domain: “The poet must keep himself unstained and aloof. Let him perambulate the bounds of Imagination’s provinces, the realms of faery, and not the insignificant boundaries of towns” (Henry David Thoreau, Journal, Volume 3: 1848–1851, ed. Robert Sattelmeyer et al., vol. 3 of The Writings of Henry D. Thoreau, ed. Elizabeth Witherell, 18 vols. (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1990), p. 289.
Neighboring is for Cavell both the condition of Thoreauvian writing (“the responsibility for its existence” [The Senses of Walden, p. 50]) and the means by which knowledge is attained. The term thus encourages us to read knowledge of nature and the self as ethical, socialized relationships. As Cavell writes, “What is next to us is what we neighbor.…Our relation to nature, at its best, would be that of neighboring it—knowing the grandest laws it is executing, while nevertheless ‘not wholly involved’ in them” (p. 105).
The passage continues with a faint hope: “yet I fancy that the engineers and firemen and brakemen, and those passengers who have a season ticket and see it often, are better men for the sight” (Walden, p. 193).
Gross traces the conflicted relationship in “Thoreau and the Laborers of Concord,” which struggles to reconcile Thoreau’s frequent focus on, and praise of, labor, with his repulsions from individual characters and his self-conception: in 1855, he identifies as a “gentleman” on the census. If “Thoreau embraced the daily demands of hard, physical labor as a necessary ‘discipline’ for his art and as a common bond with readers,” still, in the flesh “Concord’s laborers…posed a test case for Thoreau’s project at Walden” (55). See also Thoreau’s response to a circular issued in 1847 to collect facts about the Harvard class of 1837: “I am a Schoolmaster, a private Tutor, a Surveyor, a Gardener, a Farmer, a Painter (I mean a House Painter), a Carpenter, a Mason, a Day-labourer, a Pencil-maker, a Glass-paper-maker, a Writer, and sometimes a Poetaster” (Henry Salt, Life of Henry David Thoreau [London: Richard Bentley and Son, 1890], p. 88). In such a response, the proliferation of terms undermines the categorical validity of the question.
The documentary and literary record of place is evident in the “Sunday” chapter of A Week on the Concord and Merrimack Rivers. This argument expands to a literary scale Dassow Walls’s contention that an idea of the decayed, but still-accessible “commons” is Thoreau’s actual subject, as opposed to a vaguely defined “Nature” (Thoreau: A Life, p. xiii).
Compare “Autumnal Tints,” which stresses not the acquisition, but the cost of the act: “But I walk encouraged between the tufts of Purple Wood-Grass, over the sandy fields, and along the edge of the Shrub-Oaks, glad to recognize these simple contemporaries. With thoughts cutting a broad swathe I ‘get’ them, with horse-raking thoughts I gather them into windrows. The fine-eared poet may hear the whetting of my scythe” (Henry David Thoreau, “Autumnal Tints,” Atlantic Monthly, 10 [1862], 388).
Dassow Walls suggests that when Thoreau (as “the navel-gazing Hermit”) is interrupted by Ellery Channing (“the Poet”) in “Brute Neighbors,” he “transforms into a lyric poet himself, the neighborhood Orpheus,” whose attention is then drawn out into interdependent people, life forms, and matter (“‘As You Are Brothers of Mine,’” 353–355). By contrast, I suggest that the masque of “Brute Neighbors” is a deflationary extreme, and that as Walden navigates to its rapturous end, it does so by rejecting the tropes of a specific “lyric” tradition as it is received through Emerson and Channing, impelled not by condensation and stability but dilation. Compare Ezra Pound’s formula of poetry: “dichten = condensare…the most concentrated form of verbal expression” (ABC of Reading, [New York: New Directions, 1936] p. 36).
William Wordsworth, “Intimations of Immortality,” in The Poetical Works of William Wordsworth, ed. Helen Darbishire and Ernest De Selincourt, 8 vols. (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 2015), IV, 142. Thoreau also seems to take aim at the sentimental cult of childhood, which is here rendered (temporally) monstrous by its cross with the superannuation endemic to the language of poverty. See Lori Merish, “Picturing Poverty in the Mid-Nineteenth Century,” American Literature, 94 (2022), 439–472, for the mutual production of literature of poverty and the development of photography. Matthew Pethers writes about the physiognomy of the poor as a limit case of Smithian circuits of sympathy and a site where debates as to whether social, divine, or individual factors were causal of poverty were made visible (“The Face of Poverty: Physiognomics, Social Mobility, and the Politics of Recognition in the Early Nineteenth-Century American Novel,” J19: The Journal of Nineteenth-Century Americanists, 11 [2023], 103).
Dale T. Knobel, in Paddy and the Republic: Ethnicity and Nationality in Antebellum America (Middletown: Wesleyan Univ. Press, 1988), his comprehensive study of the evolution of Irish stereotypes, isolates this passage as representative, albeit unusually highbrow, of the debate as to whether Irish poverty were innate, or could be attributed to English domination (p. 87).
Thoreau’s rhythms are Old Testament: “Let the thunder rumble; what if it threaten ruin to farmers crops? That is not its errand to thee” (Walden, p. 207). Compare to 2 Kings 9:5: “And when he came, behold, the captains of the host were sitting; and he said, I have an errand to thee, O captain.”
Michael West parses out the proliferating puns of a different passage from “Baker Farm” as Thoreau lectures the Fields (Transcendental Wordplay: America’s Romantic Punsters and the Search for the Language of Nature [Columbus: Ohio Univ. Press, 2000], p. 454).
This becomes explicit during the later masque between the Thoreauvian “Hermit” and the Channingian “Poet” in “Brute Neighbors” (Walden, p. 223).
Genesis 3:19.
Katie Simon, “Affect and Cruelty in the Atlantic System: The Hauntological Argument of Henry David Thoreau’s Cape Cod,” ESQ, 62 (2016), 246.
Raymond Williams, The Country and the City (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1973), p. 7.
While McGill argues in “Common Places” that “interpolated poems are as much of an occasion for the narrative as the river journey itself,” and the model of the commonplace book lies deeply behind the thinking in this article, Thoreau’s relationship to the medium becomes considerably more vexed and self-conscious in Walden, and in “Baker Farm” most pointedly (p. 360). She valuably places A Week on the Concord and Merrimack Rivers in a tradition of American literary travel writing (such as Margaret Fuller’s Summer on the Lakes, in 1843 [1844]) that deployed Old-World cultural markers to domesticate, for a coastal audience, internal frontiers (p. 359).
Stephen Cushman stresses that transcendentalist adherence to formal meter was grounded in a semi-mystic sense of its naturalness: he writes, “In the case of meter, Emerson is explicit: meter is organic, meter is natural, and since for a transcendentalist what is natural symbolizes the supernatural, the power of meter…has its part to play in symbolizing the power of spirit or soul” (“Transcendentalist Poetics,” in The Cambridge Companion to Nineteenth-Century American Poetry, ed. Kerry Larson [Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 2011], p. 89).
Mary Louise Kete has described the many audiences and uses of poetry in the century, especially in Sentimental Collaborations: Mourning and Middle-Class Identity in Nineteenth-Century America (Durham: Duke Univ. Press, 2000). For copy-book circulation, see Erica Armstrong Dunbar’s chapter “A Mental and Moral Feast: Reading, Writing, and Sentimentality in Black Philadelphia,” in her monograph A Fragile Freedom: African American Women and Emancipation in the Antebellum City (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 2011); and Michael C. Cohen, “Album Verse and the Poetics of Scribal Circulation,” in A History of Nineteenth-Century American Women’s Poetry, ed. Jennifer Putzi and Alexandra Socarides (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 2016) pp. 68–86.