During the Middle Horizon (600–1000 CE), the Wari state’s influence expanded across a broad swath of the central Andes. To better understand the organization of this state and its relationship to outlying regions, we conducted a social network analysis with a database of human images—cataloged as “agents”—as depicted on Wari-associated art. Agent analyses depended on trained, visual acuity for interpreting ancient artistic expressions that distinguished individual identities among various Middle Horizon cultures. The social network analysis used agent locations and co-occurrences on the same object to model the period’s complex social dynamics. The resulting networks suggest a Wari political structure that was more fractured and decentralized than previously imagined during the early Middle Horizon. This article explores aspects of these networks in relationship to four agents excavated at Quilcapampa, a short-lived Wari-affiliated enclave founded during the ninth century on the coastal plain of southern Peru. Considering the place of these agents within Middle Horizon social networks—when combined with what is known about Quilcapampa, the southern Peruvian coast, and the period in general—allows for a reconstruction of who founded Quilcapampa and the possible reasons for the settlement’s founding. The results provide insights into ninth-century changes to Wari’s organization that would be difficult to obtain from purely descriptive analyses of each agent, demonstrating the utility of social network analysis of the human image for investigating political relationships in societies without writing.

Durante el Horizonte Medio (600–1000 e.c.), la influencia del estado Wari abarcó extensas áreas de los Andes centrales. Con el propósito de comprender la organización estatal y su relación con las regiones periféricas, llevamos a cabo un análisis de redes sociales utilizando una base de datos de imágenes humanas –denominadas “agentes”– presentes en el arte asociado a los waris. Los análisis de los agentes requerían una agudeza visual entrenada para interpretar las expresiones artísticas antiguas que diferenciaban identidades particulares entre las varias culturas del Horizonte Medio. Este enfoque permitió examinar la compleja dinámica social, modelando las posiciones y coocurrencias de los agentes en el mismo objeto. Las redes resultantes sugieren una estructura política wari durante el Horizonte Medio temprano más fracturada y descentralizada de lo imaginado. Este artículo explora aspectos de estas redes en relación con cuatro agentes excavados en Quilcapampa, un enclave afiliado a los waris, fundado durante el siglo IX en la llanura costera del sur de Perú. Considerando el posicionamiento de estos agentes en las redes sociales del Horizonte Medio, junto con el conocimiento sobre Quilcapampa, la costa sur peruana y el periodo en general, se logra reconstruir la identidad de los fundadores y las posibles razones de la fundación del asentamiento. Estos resultados ofrecen una visión más clara de los cambios en la organización de Wari en el siglo IX, demostrando la utilidad del análisis de redes sociales de la imagen humana para investigar relaciones políticas en sociedades sin escritura.

Durante o Horizonte Médio (600-1000 d.C.), a influência do estado Wari expandiu-se por uma ampla faixa dos Andes centrais. Para compreender melhor a organização deste estado e a sua relação com regiões periféricas, conduzimos uma análise de redes sociais com uma base de dados de imagens humanas – catalogadas como “agentes” – representadas na arte associada aos Wari. A análise de agentes dependeu de acuidade visual treinada para interpretar expressões artísticas antigas que distinguiam identidades individuais entre várias culturas do Horizonte Médio. A análise de redes sociais utilizou localizações de agentes e co-ocorrências no mesmo objeto para modelar a complexa dinâmica social do período. As redes resultantes sugerem uma estrutura política Wari que era mais fraturada e descentralizada do que se imaginava anteriormente durante o início do Horizonte Médio. Este artigo explora aspectos dessas redes em relação a quatro agentes escavados em Quilcapampa, um enclave de curta duração afiliado aos Wari, fundado durante o século IX na planície costeira do sul do Peru. Considerar o lugar desses agentes nas redes sociais do Horizonte Médio – quando combinado com o que se sabe sobre Quilcapampa, a costa sul do Peru e o período em geral – permite uma reconstrução de quem fundou Quilcapampa e as possíveis razões para a fundação do assentamento. Os resultados fornecem entendimentos sobre as mudanças na organização de Wari no século IX que seriam difíceis de obter a partir de análises puramente descritivas de cada agente, demonstrando a utilidade da análise da imagem humana em redes sociais para investigar relações políticas em sociedades sem escrita.

Five hundred years before the Inca, a group of colonists associated with the highland Wari state founded Quilcapampa, a site of less than two hectares overlooking the Sihuas Valley on the coastal pampa of Arequipa in southern Peru (fig. 1).1 The mid-ninth-century CE site was strategically built on top of a sandstone bluff covered with petroglyphs, where two preexisting trails from the pampa wound down from ridges, allowing access to the valley. The Wari-affiliated colonists leveled the bluff using soil and a few buttress walls to create the foundation of a settlement organized around three informal patio groups made of high plastered walls, open spaces, and narrow corridors. The site was crowned by a plaza overlooking the river (fig. 2).

Figure 1.

Landsat image of the central Andes showing the spatial extent of Wari influence and the Inca Empire, their respective capital cities of Huari and Cusco, and the location of Quilcapampa (base map from Google Earth)

Figure 1.

Landsat image of the central Andes showing the spatial extent of Wari influence and the Inca Empire, their respective capital cities of Huari and Cusco, and the location of Quilcapampa (base map from Google Earth)

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Figure 2.

Site plan of Quilcapampa (map by Justin Jennings)

Figure 2.

Site plan of Quilcapampa (map by Justin Jennings)

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Quilcapampa came together quickly—wall foundations were shallow and the plaza’s skirt was faced with a single course of stones. Its construction was marked by indecision: builders changed the layout of patio groups both before the first floors were put down and soon after. The coastal families who had accompanied the Wari-affiliated colonists to Sihuas then built their smaller households around the patio groups, and ties were forged with local communities through feasts and other ceremonies. Seemingly a bustling settlement, yet Quilcapampa was abandoned within as little as a generation.

There are no written records from Quilcapampa or anywhere else in the ninth-century central Andes. Although knotted string instruments were used to encode some information during this period,2 we cannot read eyewitness accounts about Wari’s political organization, its leaders, or the ties they had to the specialists who worked with ceramics, metals, textiles, and other materials to create their iconographically rich art that defines the Middle Horizon period (600–1000 CE).3 Our only indications of who founded sites like Quilcapampa, for what reason, and why the settlements were abandoned is from this art and the rest of the material record that was left behind.

This article discusses how the results of our recent social network analysis (SNA) of human images depicted in Wari-related art (referred to here as agents4) can be used to ask more targeted questions regarding Middle Horizon political dynamics and population movements. In this case, we suggest that combining our SNA results with other data from the era’s material record allows a tentative identification of the origins and affiliation of the settlers of Quilcapampa. In so doing, we interrogate both the organization of the broader Wari political landscape and the role of art in that landscape.

In their 2021 book, Ahnert and her colleagues describe “the network turn” across academia and argue that the visual and quantitative analysis of networks can be used to better understand art and culture.5 Networks, put simply, are interrelated groups of entities, be they people, animal, objects, or ideas. Network analysis is an approach that conceptualizes ties between entities as a network, focuses on the nature of these ties, and seeks to characterize the kinds of communities that result due to these ties.6 As the name implies, SNA is a type of network analysis that looks at the social structure of groups.

In SNA, the entities under study are usually called nodes, and the ties that bind the entities together are called links or edges. After these data are assembled, the resulting networks of nodes and links can be visualized in sociograms of interconnected circles and lines. Circle size, colors, line thickness, and other features of the sociograms can then be used to provide more visual information about the network. Further visualization techniques help to highlight network aspects, and a variety of statistical methods can be applied to rigorously characterize and compare networks.7

Over the past two decades, SNA has been increasingly applied in art, art history, and archaeology. In art and art history, studies have typically used artists, works of art, exhibitions, or collecting institutions as the nodes.8 Annatina Aerne, for example, used SNA to examine how prestige affects cooperation between Bogotá’s galleries, museums, and other art organizations, and Alexander McKay and his colleagues used SNA to see how friendships shape the work of young artists in Poland.9 SNA approaches in archaeology are more common.10 With few exceptions, the SNA studies in this field use settlements as the nodes, with the links between settlements being imported artifacts or shared styles.11

However, the most nuanced SNA of earlier political organizations has relied on writing where particular individuals can be identified and their relationships traced. Jessica Munson and Martha Macri, for example, use hieroglyphic evidence to uncover the marriage, diplomatic, conflict, and other ties between leaders of the Classic Maya world, and Vincent Chollier uses a similar set of data from Egypt to discern the role of kinship in politics.12 As these examples indicate, past political landscapes can be effectively explored through SNA of written records. Many past societies, however, lacked writing. Iconography-rich art is nonetheless sometimes available; we argue that SNA of this iconography can sometimes be used to reconstruct political relationships if actors can be identified within the art. Our analysis of Wari agents provides a case study for how the SNA of visual culture can be used to reconstruct past politics.13

The Middle Horizon in the central Andes is defined by the spread of the Wari style across much of what is now Peru.14 The style’s diffusion correlates with widespread changes in technology, agriculture, language, and funerary traditions.15 The Wari style emerged at Huari in the early seventh century CE, a city in the sierra that would rapidly expand to ten kilometers on a side.16 Dozens of Wari-affiliated sites were founded across Peru beginning a few decades later,17 especially in the transportation corridor to the Nasca Valley that was Huari’s closest link to the Pacific Ocean.18

Many scholars view Wari as a state, pointing to Huari’s size; the city’s marked status differences in art, architecture, and cuisine; the generation of food in the surrounding countryside; and depictions (as well as physical remains) of sanctioned violence.19 States, as classically defined in the archaeological literature, are class-based societies organized by highly centralized and internally specialized governments.20 Wari approximates our expectations of the size and complexity of a statelike society but does so without clear evidence for class-based identities, political centralization, and an overarching bureaucracy.

There is no evidence to date from Huari for a ruler’s palace, central temple complex, or bureaucratic facilities. The largest public spaces could hold just a small fraction of the city’s population, and there is little that would suggest urban planning in early Middle Horizon Huari.21

Huari, along with its better-understood neighboring city of Conchopata, were organized around independently built and maintained high-status compounds of extended families surrounded by lower status households. Both sites also have D-shaped temples and other ritual spaces scattered across the settlement that could house a few dozen participants (fig. 3).22 Feasts and other events held within the interior patios of high-status compounds and the more public ritual spaces appear to have been the primary locus of day-to-day Wari statecraft.23

Figure 3.

Site plan of the excavated portion of Conchopata (courtesy of William Isbell)

Figure 3.

Site plan of the excavated portion of Conchopata (courtesy of William Isbell)

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Art and other forms of high culture are often seen as being important ideological tools of the early state,24 and the recurring portrayals of status, sacrifice, fertility and violence on Wari art can be interpreted in this manner.25 Yet we have no evidence for state control of production at Huari and Conchopata in the form of attached specialists.26 Although some neighborhoods and sites in the Wari heartland may have been dedicated to working with certain materials,27 it appears that most work occurred in and around the home.28 Sponsorship, if it occurred, was through the high-status compounds that structured daily interactions through feasts, kin ties, and other mechanisms. These elite families would also benefit from an iconography that celebrated their roles as important interlocutors with the spiritual world.

Imagery, as well as the heads of foreigners buried in a D-shaped structure at Conchopata, suggest that Wari warriors likely conquered some outlying groups.29 The data discussed previously nonetheless suggest that Wari’s expansion occurred amid considerable factionalism in the heartland.30 This is unsurprising from a cross-cultural perspective. At Tiwanaku—the great city in Bolivia during the Middle Horizon—the state appears to have developed over several centuries via the competitive feasting and monument building of rival kin groups.31 Teotihuacan and Rome were also beset by factionalism long after the cities rose, with a rising elite drawing support from particular neighborhoods and villages as the state formed.32

Wari is often referred to as the first empire in the Andes.33 Two large sites at either end of Peru, Pikillacta and Viracochapampa, among the earliest Wari sites built, feature modular units and straight lines imposed on undulating landscapes (fig. 4).34 The two sites, however, were never finished, and most Wari peripheral sites are organized like Huari and Conchopata around house compounds (see fig. 3). The link between the state and the settlers at peripheral sites remains unclear and may have changed over time. Exotica flowed into Huari from across Peru during the early Middle Horizon, but only a few Wari sites seem to have exercised sustained control over local populations; the mechanisms through which goods moved from the periphery to the Wari heartland remain opaque.35

Figure 4.

Site plans of the rectangular enclosure sites of (A) Pikillacta and (B) Viracochapampa (plans adapted from pull-out maps in Isbell and McEwan, Huari Administrative Structures)

Figure 4.

Site plans of the rectangular enclosure sites of (A) Pikillacta and (B) Viracochapampa (plans adapted from pull-out maps in Isbell and McEwan, Huari Administrative Structures)

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The ninth century was a period of significant change in the Wari polity. Many of Huari’s residential compounds were razed as part of an urban renewal project that included greater centralized planning and new building forms.36 Higher investment in economic infrastructure in the countryside was associated with the founding, abandonment, and reorganization of Wari-affiliated settlements across much of Peru.37 A greater emphasis was placed on the further colonization and control of a few long-distance exchange corridors.38 These and other changes may be associated with attempts to form a more coherent Wari state that concentrated power in fewer hands.39 Art from this transitory period often features individuals identified by costume and facial markings, perhaps mythologizing and simplifying the conflicts and alliances associated with the formation of the Wari state and its long-distance interactions.40

Among the depictions on Wari-associated art from the eighth and ninth century are a repeated suite of individuals who can be found painted on ceramics, and, to a lesser extent, inlaid into metalwork, woven into textile tapestries, and carved into wood. We refer to these individuals as agents to emphasize an intentional, active role that they may have played in the era’s politics.41 They can be distinguished from deities, who are shown with crossed fangs and vertically divided eyes.42 In 2002, Patricia Knobloch created an online database of these individuals that continues to be updated as information becomes available (https://whowaswhowari.sdsu.edu). As of this writing, the database features 59 human agents (numbered 100 to 158), while another 120 agents are found only on miniature figurines.

Each agent is defined by physical attributes and accessories such as tunics and shields. Facial elements include painted or tattooed designs, earspools, labrets, nose plugs, ear piercings, and hairstyles. Headgear includes headbands, various caps, a conical hat with horns, a feline pelt with its head atop the agent’s forehead, a “top hat” form with vertical feathers, cowl-shaped hoods, caps adorned with silver sequins, and four-cornered hats (figs. 57).43 These hats are a four-sided box shape, though wider at the bottom, made of a knotted fabric, and they vary in design structure and motifs. The corners end in points, tassels, or tubes. None of the four-cornered hats on pottery are as detailed as the extant four-cornered hats (fig. 8). Specific facial elements and accessories attributed to each agent are repeated across media and in different parts of Peru, suggesting artists had a deep familiarity with the players in Middle Horizon society and how they should be represented. Some agent attributes were so well practiced in artisan repertoires that, to the eye trained in agent analysis, even artifact fragments can offer reliable identities.

Figure 5.

Composite drawing of common features of Agents 103, 141, 151, and 152. The area within the dotted line of Agent 152’s face is conjectural (drawing by Patricia Knobloch)

Figure 5.

Composite drawing of common features of Agents 103, 141, 151, and 152. The area within the dotted line of Agent 152’s face is conjectural (drawing by Patricia Knobloch)

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Figure 6.

Fragment of interlocked tapestry, mid ninth century CE, Ica, Peru, cotton, alpaca wool. The Textile Museum Collection, Washington, DC, 1972.27, anonymous gift (artwork in the public domain, photograph by Breton Littlehales)

Figure 6.

Fragment of interlocked tapestry, mid ninth century CE, Ica, Peru, cotton, alpaca wool. The Textile Museum Collection, Washington, DC, 1972.27, anonymous gift (artwork in the public domain, photograph by Breton Littlehales)

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Figure 7.

A molded leather pouch of Agent 100’s head, alpaca or llama hide, human hair, pigment, cotton, coca leaf contents, 10½ x 9⅛ in. (26.7 x 23.2 cm); bag: 10¼ in. (26 cm). Cleveland Museum of Art, Leonard C. Hanna, Jr. Fund 2011.35 (artwork in the public domain; reproduced in Bergh, Wari, 22, fig. 18, and cover)

Figure 7.

A molded leather pouch of Agent 100’s head, alpaca or llama hide, human hair, pigment, cotton, coca leaf contents, 10½ x 9⅛ in. (26.7 x 23.2 cm); bag: 10¼ in. (26 cm). Cleveland Museum of Art, Leonard C. Hanna, Jr. Fund 2011.35 (artwork in the public domain; reproduced in Bergh, Wari, 22, fig. 18, and cover)

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Figure 8.

Four-cornered hats, alpaca wool. Left: 4½ in. high x 19½ in. circumference (11.4 x 49.5 cm), MET 1994.35.151. Middle: 4½ in. x 19¾ in. circumference (11.4 x 50.2 cm), MET 1994.35.140. Right: 4½ x 21 in. circumference (11.4 x 53.3 cm), MET 1994.35.146. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York (artwork in the public domain)

Figure 8.

Four-cornered hats, alpaca wool. Left: 4½ in. high x 19½ in. circumference (11.4 x 49.5 cm), MET 1994.35.151. Middle: 4½ in. x 19¾ in. circumference (11.4 x 50.2 cm), MET 1994.35.140. Right: 4½ x 21 in. circumference (11.4 x 53.3 cm), MET 1994.35.146. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York (artwork in the public domain)

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Agent 103, for example, is depicted with a face divided into quadrants of two colors. The headdress is a black cap that usually includes a top knot at the center. Small, white squares, each with two black dots along one edge—perhaps silver sequins sewn onto cloth—frame the face and occur on the agent’s black tunic when depicted (see fig. 5).44 Agent 151, in contrast, wears a black headband with a row of white diamonds formed by criss-crossing lines. Red and white crosses appear within the diamonds, with yellow donut-shaped design elements outside the diamonds. The agent has black sideburns, white earspools, and a tearband covering each cheek that features three triangles (see fig. 5).45 Tapestries can depict the interplay among agents and supernatural beings involved in rituals that include a hallucinogenic plant, Anadenathera colubrina, often shown as a two-lobed motif attached to a premier deity's corona (see fig. 6).

The men and women depicted as agents in Wari-related art may represent individuals or may be stand-ins for kinship or ethnic groups. Some agents almost certainly depict Wari state actors, while others may represent their allies or rivals from different parts of the central Andes. The agents, not depicted in the region’s art prior to the Middle Horizon, appear to represent individuals and actions from a not-so-distant past. One way of studying these relationships is through compiling certain “agent biographies” that seek to reconstruct how narrative scenes of cooperation or confrontation relate to the era’s political dynamics.46 Another way of studying Middle Horizon political relationships is through a more comprehensive SNA with dozens of agents.

From Knobloch’s online database, we chose fifty-six agents with well-defined identities. Fifty-four of them come from thirty-three proveniences documented in the online database, and thirty-six occur on artifacts with other agents (table 1, table 2, and fig. 9). Some artifacts are from specific locations such as excavated sites, while others have only general locations, such as a river valley. Due to these sample limitations, we chose a presence/absence methodology that focused on two questions: Among the locations, which have more similarities based on the presence of the same agents? Among agents, which have more similar associations based on their presence together on the same artifacts?

Table 1.

The Middle Horizon locations and their corresponding agents

 

 
Table 2.

The agent-agent data used to construct the social networks

 
 
Figure 9.

Landsat image of Peru showing the extent of Wari influence in red. The city of Huari (title in green) and the locations in white feature agent images. No agents have yet been documented in the three Wari-affiliated settlements indicated with titles in yellow (base map from Google Earth)

Figure 9.

Landsat image of Peru showing the extent of Wari influence in red. The city of Huari (title in green) and the locations in white feature agent images. No agents have yet been documented in the three Wari-affiliated settlements indicated with titles in yellow (base map from Google Earth)

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To address these questions, Gibbon constructed two networks.47 The first is an agent-location network, where the nodes are the locations. The links connect locations that feature the same agent, based on the Jaccard similarity coefficient, where the shared presence of a similar suite of agents results in increased similarity (fig. 10). The second is an agent-agent network, where the nodes are agents and the links are artifacts featuring the shared presence of one or more agents (fig. 11).

Figure 10.

Geographic (A and B) and relational (C and D) layouts of the Middle Horizon agent-location network. Relational layout repositions nodes so the most central and connected are toward the center of the graph. Left: the full network; right (B and D): a 20% reduction that removes the weakest links from the network (image by Elizabeth Gibbon using Gephi software, v. 9.2)

Figure 10.

Geographic (A and B) and relational (C and D) layouts of the Middle Horizon agent-location network. Relational layout repositions nodes so the most central and connected are toward the center of the graph. Left: the full network; right (B and D): a 20% reduction that removes the weakest links from the network (image by Elizabeth Gibbon using Gephi software, v. 9.2)

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Figure 11.

Relational view of the Middle Horizon agent-agent network (image by Elizabeth Gibbon)

Figure 11.

Relational view of the Middle Horizon agent-agent network (image by Elizabeth Gibbon)

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The Jaccard coefficient is the most appropriate similarity coefficient to use for presence/absence archaeological data because it is not affected by the shared absence of a particular trait; therefore, it reduces the sampling error inherent in data sets that do not contain a representative sample.48 Greater Jaccard similarity means a greater weight for a connection.49 This enables the strength of connections between the locations and agents to be included in network analysis and visualization. Links are undirected, meaning that interactions are considered to be symmetric or equal. Undirected links are used in this study as the direction of interaction cannot be definitively determined.

The size of nodes in the agent-location network indicates the centrality of their network position (in this case, eigenvector centrality, discussed next), showing how connected a location is to other locations in the network. Larger nodes indicate greater connectivity. Likewise, the larger the node in the agent-agent network, the more often that agent is associated with other agents based on their presence on the same artifacts. The colors in the models reflect clusters of locations or agents that share more similarity with each other than with other clusters, as determined by the Louvain community detection algorithm.50 Frequently used in SNA, the algorithm yields results similar to cluster analysis, a statistical method used to determine groupings within data sets.

As shown in figures 10 and 11, the critical features of a network can be obscured underneath a large number of weak, often inconsequential, links. Therefore, three methods to elucidate the most critical relationships in the networks were applied: clustering coefficient, node deletion, and link deletion.51 The clustering coefficient indicates how strongly nodes cluster together in a network as a measurement of the degree of interconnectedness between nodes. In removing weak nodes and links (fig. 12), those ties that are more integral to each of the Middle Horizon agent networks can more easily be identified.

Figure 12.

Examples of stress test that help to identify the most important nodes and links in the relational Middle Horizon agent-location network: a k-core test that leaves only the most connected hubs in place (k-core 5 shown in A and k-core 13 in B) and a complementary test where high-degree hubs are successively removed from the network (degree 17 shown in C to degree 13 in D) (image by Elizabeth Gibbon)

Figure 12.

Examples of stress test that help to identify the most important nodes and links in the relational Middle Horizon agent-location network: a k-core test that leaves only the most connected hubs in place (k-core 5 shown in A and k-core 13 in B) and a complementary test where high-degree hubs are successively removed from the network (degree 17 shown in C to degree 13 in D) (image by Elizabeth Gibbon)

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These methods, as well as measures of degree, closeness, betweenness, and eigenvector centrality, are discussed in greater detail elsewhere.52 To ensure that observed patterns were not a reflection of chance alone, a thousand random networks were generated with the same number of nodes and links in order to approximate a null model.53 Mann-Whitney U tests were then applied to compare the centrality measures of each of the networks with the corresponding null model to determine the statistical significance of any observed patterns in the archaeological data (table 3). The Mann-Whitney U permutation test, which was selected because it allows for the comparison of two independent samples without the assumption of a normal distribution, compared patterns in the archaeological networks (the full network and the network with connections less than 20% similarity removed) with the random networks. The statistical tests summarized in tables 3 and 4 show that the archaeological networks (both the full network and the network with weak links removed) are composed of connections patterned significantly differently from those observed in the equivalently sized random networks. The random networks showed no significant clustering or concentration of connections at a single node (centrality), suggesting that the clustering and centrality observed in the archaeological networks was not a reflection of chance alone.

Table 3.

The average of each network measure in the Middle Horizon agent-location network compared with the averaged network measures from 1000 random graphs of the same number of nodes and edges

GraphNetwork MeasureFull NetworkRandom20% Reduction NetworkRandom
Agent-Location Degree Centrality 12.0625 12.125 4.1875 4.3125 
  Closeness Centrality 0.6256* 0.6767 0.4028 0.4078 
  Betweenness Centrality 0.0216 0.0067 0.0286** 0.0497 
  Eigencentrality 0.5274** 0.1989 0.3269** 0.544 
  Clustering Coefficient 0.8365** 0.1873 0.7016** 0.1085 
Agent-Agent Degree Centrality 6.2222 6.2222    
  Closeness Centrality 0.4693 0.4775    
  Betweenness Centrality 0.0359** 0.0333    
  Eigencentrality 0.3834 0.4845    
  Clustering Coefficient 0.5823** 0.1479    
GraphNetwork MeasureFull NetworkRandom20% Reduction NetworkRandom
Agent-Location Degree Centrality 12.0625 12.125 4.1875 4.3125 
  Closeness Centrality 0.6256* 0.6767 0.4028 0.4078 
  Betweenness Centrality 0.0216 0.0067 0.0286** 0.0497 
  Eigencentrality 0.5274** 0.1989 0.3269** 0.544 
  Clustering Coefficient 0.8365** 0.1873 0.7016** 0.1085 
Agent-Agent Degree Centrality 6.2222 6.2222    
  Closeness Centrality 0.4693 0.4775    
  Betweenness Centrality 0.0359** 0.0333    
  Eigencentrality 0.3834 0.4845    
  Clustering Coefficient 0.5823** 0.1479    

Note: * = Statistically significant (p-value ≤ 0.05); ** = Highly statistically significant (p-value ≤ 0.01)

Table 4.

Eigenvalues for agent-location network, including full network and 20% reduction network (values ≥ 0.5 indicate strong centrality; eigenvalues calculated based on an average of 100 iterations of eigencentrality algorithm)

SiteFull Network Eigencentrality20% Similarity Network Eigencentrality
Huari 1.0000 0.0648 
Conchopata 0.9863 0.0142 
Azangaro 0.6460 0.1073 
Anja 0.8475 1.0000 
Jincamocco 0.6739 0.3492 
Quilcapampa 0.5789 0.1642 
Nasca region 0.6448 0.1603 
Ocucaje 0.9156 0.0046 
Pacheco 0.6394 0.6387 
Trancas 0.3129 0.2068 
Pikillacta 0.1207 0.0000 
Espiritu Pampa 0.5390 0.4604 
Huaca Malena 0.6868 0.7619 
Pachacamac 0.6331 0.2685 
Vista Alegre 0.6394 0.8729 
Calancancha 0.1131 0.0022 
Ancon 0.3428 0.1509 
Huacho 0.3428 0.1509 
Chimu Capac 0.5390 0.2459 
Paramonga 0.0405 0.0000 
Huarmey 0.4703 0.0237 
Wilkawain 0.6394 0.8729 
Yarcok 0.6394 0.8729 
Chimbote 0.2149 0.0000 
Moche 0.3428 0.1509 
Chicama 0.1131 0.0022 
San Jose de Moro 0.9388 0.8251 
El Palacio 0.8664 0.8924 
Cutervo 0.5390 0.4604 
Vicus 0.1046 0.0000 
Pariti 0.1265 0.0000 
La Oroya 0.6394 0.7386 
SiteFull Network Eigencentrality20% Similarity Network Eigencentrality
Huari 1.0000 0.0648 
Conchopata 0.9863 0.0142 
Azangaro 0.6460 0.1073 
Anja 0.8475 1.0000 
Jincamocco 0.6739 0.3492 
Quilcapampa 0.5789 0.1642 
Nasca region 0.6448 0.1603 
Ocucaje 0.9156 0.0046 
Pacheco 0.6394 0.6387 
Trancas 0.3129 0.2068 
Pikillacta 0.1207 0.0000 
Espiritu Pampa 0.5390 0.4604 
Huaca Malena 0.6868 0.7619 
Pachacamac 0.6331 0.2685 
Vista Alegre 0.6394 0.8729 
Calancancha 0.1131 0.0022 
Ancon 0.3428 0.1509 
Huacho 0.3428 0.1509 
Chimu Capac 0.5390 0.2459 
Paramonga 0.0405 0.0000 
Huarmey 0.4703 0.0237 
Wilkawain 0.6394 0.8729 
Yarcok 0.6394 0.8729 
Chimbote 0.2149 0.0000 
Moche 0.3428 0.1509 
Chicama 0.1131 0.0022 
San Jose de Moro 0.9388 0.8251 
El Palacio 0.8664 0.8924 
Cutervo 0.5390 0.4604 
Vicus 0.1046 0.0000 
Pariti 0.1265 0.0000 
La Oroya 0.6394 0.7386 

A few observations regarding both networks are relevant to understanding Wari political organization.54 For the agent-location analysis: the network was resilient to both node and edge deletion, meaning that the overall network did not quickly break into numerous smaller networks or isolated nodes as a result of the stress tests; the network was weakly centralized since the network functioned via connections running through multiple well-connected nodes instead of just one or two central hubs; and the Huari capital was not a primary node in a hierarchically structured network but instead more closely connected to certain node clusters than others. Visualization and analysis of the agent-agent network mirror these observations. There are three smaller networks of agents (blue, green, and orange) in the relational layout of the agent-agent network and no central agent with whom all the other agents are connected (see fig. 11). The network remains resilient to node and edge deletion due to the existence of a few well-connected nodes.

The SNA of Middle Horizon agents supports interpretation of a more factional political organization of the Wari state during the eighth and ninth centuries and suggests that these factions had a geographic component. Regional clusters of agents, who also appear more often together on objects, suggest spheres of closer interaction between Wari-related agents and certain groups in different areas of Peru. Wari expansion and subsequent interaction may have thus been a process led by different population segments of a still inchoate state whose members, although clearly connected, maintained certain allegiances to kin groups, cults, or other underlying affiliations.55 When the state reorganized in the ninth century, some of these agents and those they associated with likely rose to power, while others fell out of favor. To better understand the impact of this political reorganization on the ground, we consider Quilcapampa’s place in both networks and the archaeological contexts associated with these locations and agents.

Quilcapampa’s founders arrived almost two centuries after Wari objects and ideas had begun transforming societies in coastal valleys just to the north of the Sihuas Valley.56 Few people from the Wari heartland, however, had passed through the Arequipa region previously, and Wari influence was almost nonexistent in Sihuas prior to the immigrants’ arrival.57 Excavations at Quilcapampa reveal two groups living in the settlement. The first group inhabited three informal patio groups that flanked the site’s elevated plaza.58 Their architecture, cuisine, and artifact assemblage suggest a strong cultural affiliation with the Wari heartland. The second group lived in more informal housing at the fringes of the settlement and appear to have traveled alongside the Wari families. This group was coastal in origin, but not from the Sihuas region.59 Feasts held in the Wari patios and on the plaza held the two groups together and also embroiled locals in the site’s activities.

To learn more about the founders of Quilcapampa, we used Knobloch’s database to create an ego network that displays and analyzes only the sites to which Quilcapampa was directly connected through the four agents (103, 141, 151, and 152) found on ceramics excavated at the site (orange links in fig. 13a). An ego network is simply a network of nodes, with a single node chosen as the focal node, or “ego,” where only the nodes that the ego is directly connected to are analyzed. The geographical layout of Quilcapampa’s ego network shows that the site is well connected to the overall network, perhaps suggesting that the site’s colonists were tapped into many of the long-distance dynamics that characterize the era. The strongest connections maintained by Quilcapampa are with sierra rather than coastal sites, with the strongest of these connections being to the site of Jincamocco.

Figure 13.

Relational view of Quilcapampa’s ego network (A) with all agents and (B) with Agent 103 removed (image by Elizabeth Gibbon)

Figure 13.

Relational view of Quilcapampa’s ego network (A) with all agents and (B) with Agent 103 removed (image by Elizabeth Gibbon)

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Quilcapampa’s degree, closeness, and betweenness centrality measures suggest an average number of connections to other sites, an average ability to interact with any other site in the network, and a very low ability to “control” the flow of interaction through the network. The site therefore maintained contact with well-connected nodes but was at the edge of these relationships in Sihuas. A relational view of the ego network clarifies the colonists’ place in the overall network further by showing that Quilcapampa’s assemblage of agents is most similar to those from four places: Cutervo, Anja, Espíritu Pampa, and especially Jincamocco (see fig. 13). The links to these first three sites, however, rely largely on the presence of Agent 103, a figure prominently featured in Wari art.60 If this agent is removed from Quilcapampa’s network, then Jincamocco’s role as a bridge to the overall network becomes even clearer (fig. 13b—thick orange link).

Jincamocco was a Wari settlement located about 120 kilometers from the Huari capital along a major route connecting the state’s heartland to the coast via the Nasca region.61 Understanding Jincamocco’s importance to Quilcapampa requires us to first consider what was happening in Nasca during the Middle Horizon. Nasca pottery from the Early Intermediate Period (200 BCE–600 CE) was heavily influenced by Wari antecedents, and the site is a major gateway to the coast in our agent-location network.62 By the beginning of the eighth century, Wari colonists were living in several sites in the upper reaches of the drainage.63 Intermarriage may have been occurring,64 and there were profound changes to local ceramic assemblages, settlement patterns, and mortuary rituals throughout the region.65 The founding of the Wari colony of Pacheco, lower in the drainage, may have been an attempt to assert more control over coastal affairs.

This incursion into the lower portions of the drainage was ill-timed. Decreasing precipitation was making large swaths of the valley uninhabitable by the beginning of the Middle Horizon, with the region’s long-standing ceremonial center abandoned and internal violence soaring.66 The Wari incursion may have ratcheted up this instability since many locals fled the southern portions of the drainage where Pacheco was established.67 Many Nasca villagers nonetheless embraced Wari imports, widely emulated Wari artifacts, and, just as in the upper drainage, occasionally married people from Ayacucho.68 Maintaining a colonial presence on the coast, however, became increasingly untenable as conditions worsened. Pacheco, like most other sites in lower Nasca, was likely abandoned by the beginning of the ninth century.69

The long-standing connections between the Wari and Nasca regions may have encouraged climate change refugees from lower Nasca to migrate up the valley into the highlands where water was more available.70 There were at least four paths descending into the drainage from Ayacucho, each with a variety of Wari-affiliated settlements associated with it.71 The redundant infrastructure should be read as intense state investment in the Wari-Nasca corridor, but also may speak to the actions of competing factions pioneering their own routes to the coast. Some of those traveling to Nasca would have passed through the Sondondo Valley, where the site of Jincamocco was founded by the beginning of the ninth century AD;72 based on a SHCal13 Southern Hemisphere Calibration of the published dates.73

Jincamocco soon expanded to form a fifteen-hectare rectangular enclosure reminiscent of the much larger Pikillacta and Viracochapampa examples.74 Three other Wari settlements were also added, and local populations were moved down into maize-producing lands that were heavily terraced.75 Katharina Schreiber, the excavator of Jincamocco, suggests that the increased investment in the valley likely occurred in the mid ninth century as the region around Huari was being consolidated through greater direct control over local affairs.76 The increased investment appears to have come with a reduction in the polity’s territory, perhaps severing some of the ties with colonists living in the furthest colonies.77 When Jincamocco was abandoned near the end of the Middle Horizon, several vessels were intentionally broken in one location, including a large face-neck jar that was smashed by a blow to the chest.78 Of the four agents documented at Jincamocco, two—Agents 151 and 152—are also found at Quilcapampa.

The ceramic assemblage of Quilcapampa includes Middle Horizon vessels from three regions based on form, iconography, and past composition: the Wari heartland, the greater Nasca region, and, far more rarely, Arequipa.79 Most of the serving vessels are similar in form and finish to greater Nasca wares. Only two examples of pots in the local La Ramada style were found, even though the style was still in use in the region at this time.80 The people who lived in Quilcapampa’s patio groups also had dozens of pots that appear to have been imported from Ayacucho. Most of these pots are Wari Negro, a rarer style confined largely to the polity’s heartland.81

Particular ceramic styles and motifs predominated in different areas in and around Huari.82 Production of this Wari blackware may have occurred outside of the city of Huari;83 the only location boasting percentages of the blackware approaching that found at Quilcapampa is the site of Azangaro in the Huanta Basin, some twenty kilometers from Huari.84 The large number of pieces of Quilcapampa’s Huari Negro pottery, coupled with its wear from heavy use and the wide variety of forms found, suggest a possible relationship of some of the site’s residents to the Huanta area. A variant of the style has been found at Jincamocco,85 but not at Wari-affiliated sites in the Nasca region.

Agents were depicted on two of the four oversize jars recovered at Quilcapampa (figs. 14 and 15). Likely used to serve beer or receive beer as an offering, these prestige vessels appear to have celebrated honored individuals or ancestors.86 The agents (151 and 152) are the same as those featured on Jincamocco vessels, which appear to show important Wari-related agents, but details of the two Quilcapampa vessels’ form and iconography suggest that they were likely manufactured in the greater Nasca region.87 Although it is possible that the jars were made on site, no evidence for ceramic manufacture was found at Quilcapampa; the jars (as well as Wari styles more generally) are a sharp departure from local traditions; and the paste composition is similar to that found in Nasca examples. If the jars were carried intact to Quilcapampa, then they had to have been carried by porters using ropes—the vessels are too heavy and bulky to be strapped on to llamas. The colonists would have carried their honored ancestors on their backs.

Figure 14.

Jar depicting Agent 151, recovered at Quilcapampa (image by Justin Jennings)

Figure 14.

Jar depicting Agent 151, recovered at Quilcapampa (image by Justin Jennings)

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Figure 15.

Jar depicting Agent 152, recovered at Quilcapampa (image by Justin Jennings)

Figure 15.

Jar depicting Agent 152, recovered at Quilcapampa (image by Justin Jennings)

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The two other agents depicted at Quilcapampa—Agents 103 and 141—occur on two smaller vessels, a cup and a jar. As an effigy vessel of Agent 103’s head, the small cup is a freighted symbol in the ancient Andes of sacrifice and the regeneration of life (fig. 16).88 Depictions of 103 are particularly prevalent at Espíritu Pampa, a site on the eastern slopes of the central Andes.89 A number of coastal-style vessels were also found at Espíritu Pampa of a type that has not yet been discovered in Ayacucho, suggesting that those affiliated with Agent 103 may have either traveled to the coast or had unique ties to people living there.90 The face-neck effigy jar of Agent 141 depicts him as a captive with bound hands and a rope around his neck (fig. 17).91 Reminiscent of the earlier Robles Moqo style first identified at Pacheco,92 this Viñaque style vessel’s form and paste composition suggests that it was likely made in the Nasca region. Interestingly, Agents 103 and 141 are also depicted together as captives on a vessel recovered at Huari.93 Perhaps the conflicts with these agents were important to the identity of those who had settled at Quilcapampa.

Figure 16.

Cup depicting Agent 103, recovered at Quilcapampa (image by Justin Jennings)

Figure 16.

Cup depicting Agent 103, recovered at Quilcapampa (image by Justin Jennings)

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Figure 17.

Jar depicting Agent 141, recovered at Quilcapampa (image by Justin Jennings)

Figure 17.

Jar depicting Agent 141, recovered at Quilcapampa (image by Justin Jennings)

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The mix of Nasca and Wari heartland ceramics in Quilcapampa’s assemblage dovetails with our ego-centered SNA results to suggest that the settlement’s founders likely came to the Nasca region from the Wari heartland via the trails that descended from the highlands through Jincamocco and then, sometime later, turned southeast to follow the pampa trails to Sihuas. Much of the site’s assemblage is distinct from what was previously reported on the far southern coast of Peru.94 Likely it was brought with the founders as they moved through a territory of often pervasive but indirect Wari influence.95 Bayesian analysis of radiocarbon dates from Quilcapampa suggest a mid-ninth-century occupation,96 suggesting that the settlement’s founders walked across the desert pampa in the wake of the “severe crisis” in the political organization of the Wari heartland.97

As discussed earlier, a Wari society organized around competing elites and their followers was being replaced by a more centralized state. Wari settlements were being abandoned or reorganized across the Andes at this time, and one can imagine our Wari-affiliated colonists traveling through a rapidly changing world.98 Jincamocco was expanding, and people were leaving the lower reaches of the Nasca Valley. While valleys more immediately to the south of the Nasca region had been long influenced by Wari,99 Sihuas had remained relatively isolated behind a stretch of desert pampa that was “the widest, sandiest, and hottest in the region.”100 The arrival of Wari-affiliated people into Sihuas appears to have spurred local help in establishing Quilcapampa since painted stone cobbles from the region’s ritual tradition were found under the floors of patio groups.101

Why locals helped build the site is unclear. Coercion is possible, but the small number of colonists paired with a lack of weaponry found during excavations make this seem unlikely. Quilcapampa’s inhabitants may have instead traded on their exotic nature and long-distance connections.102 If this was the case, then the site’s abandonment may be tied to the decline in long-distance interaction in the region by the end of the ninth century.103 Locals would then turn the site into a monument after the settlement was ceremonially abandoned little more than a generation after its founding. People continued to place painted stone offerings in the ruins over the next five hundred years as a seventy-hectare site grew around the crumbling buildings. The only part of the old settlement that was reused was the plaza that sat on top of the petroglyph-filled cliffs that travellers continued to pass through as they hiked the inter-valley trails.104

Quilcapampa was first excavated by Eloy Linares Málaga in the 1970s. Linares Málaga argued that the site was a Wari outpost left after the military invasion of the Sihuas Valley, an idea in keeping with the prevailing interpretation of all outlying Wari settlements serving as administrative nodes in an extractive empire.105 Our survey and excavations in and around Quilcapampa leave little doubt that the site was established by Wari-affiliated colonists,106 but the fifty or so colonists from the heartland spent their few years in Sihuas sponsoring feasts rather than fighting to gain an extractive foothold in a region with so few of their compatriots.107

More recent work at Huari, and on Wari in general, is revealing a fluid, segmentary political structure organized around competing elites into at least the ninth century. Our SNA of the agents depicted on Wari-affiliated art reinforces this view, revealing clusters of interacting agents distributed geographically across Peru. If kin-based, competing factions were the primary focus of early Wari politics, then the period’s artists likely belonged to particular factions and produced art from the perspective of their faction. Since their art then moved outward with colonists, traders, and warriors into different regions, the heartland’s factionalism was an integral part of the spread of Wari-associated ideas, objects, and people that define the Middle Horizon in Sihuas and other regions.

When combined with other archaeological data, our ego-centered analysis of Middle Horizon agents suggests that Quilcapampa’s founders had ties to the Wari heartland, perhaps in the Huanta region just outside of Huari. The families belonged to a Wari faction who were invested in the long-standing Huari-Nasca exchange corridor. This faction likely constructed Jincamocco, and Quilcapampa’s founders may have passed through the settlement soon after it was built on their way to the Nasca region. After staying somewhere in Nasca for a few years, the group made their way across coastal trails to Sihuas, where they founded the short-lived site with a small contingent of followers from the Nasca region. The Wari families held fast to their identities during their brief time in Sihuas—they lived, ate, and celebrated in a manner distinct from both Nasca and local traditions—and continued to honor the agents associated with their faction.108

Why these families first left the Wari heartland and then the Nasca region remains unclear. Both moves likely occurred amid the uncertainty of Wari’s ninth-century political centralization. The founders of Quilcapampa may have left the Huanta region in the early stages of this conflict and then chosen to travel further beyond the state’s reach instead of settling in the upper reaches of Nasca with other Wari colonists. Perhaps Quilcapampa’s founders were traders or state representatives seeking access to new territories. In contrast, they may have been climate change refugees or disenchanted with the new order. A more complete answer of who founded the settlement will require further research on Wari factions and their interactions with each other and outlying groups.

Despite these uncertainties, we emphasize that much of what we know about the founders of Quilcapampa comes from an examination of the visual culture that they intentionally left behind at the settlement. As mentioned, Agents 103 and 141 occur as captives on a cup at Huari. Though Quilcapampa vessels included only a retrato cup of Agent 103’s head, why did Quilcapampa founders have a face-neck jar of Agent 141 depicting its captive agency? Perhaps as a document of Wari prowess to confront outsiders who do not cooperate? Perhaps as an affirmation of Quilcapampa’s allegiance to Wari authority? Thus, the site’s Wari-related families used agent depictions to help express who they were and where they came from, and a careful examination of the remaining material culture left behind further fills in the picture. SNA of the era’s art can help tell important parts of Wari’s unwritten story, and the method could prove valuable to other art historical studies in other regions of the world.

1.

Peter Bikoulis, Felipe Gonzalez-Macqueen, Giles Spence-Morrow, Stefanie Bautista, Willy Yépez Álvarez, and Justin Jennings, “Ancient Pathways and Geoglyphs in the Sihuas Valley of southern Peru,” Antiquity 92, no. 365 (2018): 1377–91; Justin Jennings, Stephen Berquist, Giles Spence-Morrow, Peter Bikoulis, Felipe Gonzalez-Macqueen, Willy Yépez Álvarez, and Stefanie Bautista, “A Moving Place: The Creation of Quilcapampa,” in Powerful Places in the Ancient Andes, ed. Justin Jennings and Edward Swenson (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2018), 399–426; Justin Jennings, Willy Yépez Álvarez, and Stefanie Bautista, eds., Quilcapampa: A Wari Enclave in Southern Peru (Tallahassee: University Press of Florida, 2021).

2.

Gary Urton, “From Middle Horizon Cord-Keeping to the Rise of Inka Khipus in the Central Andes,” Antiquity 88, no. 339 (2014): 205–21. Although Middle Horizon khipu-like devices have not been decoded, they appear to have been used for record keeping.

3.

Susan E. Bergh, ed., Wari: Lords of the Ancient Andes (Cleveland: Cleveland Museum of Art, 2012).

4.

Elizabeth Gibbon, Patricia Knobloch, and Justin Jennings, “Complicating the Early State: A Social Network Analysis of Agents in Wari Art (∼AD 700–850),” Antiquity 96, no. 387 (2022): 646–61.

5.

Ruth Ahnert, Ruth, Sebastian E. Ahnert, Catherine Nicole Coleman, and Scott B. Weingart, The Network Turn: Changing Perspectives in the Humanities (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2021).

6.

Charles A. Wetherell, Andrej Plakans, and Barry Wellman, “Social Networks, Kinship, and Community in Eastern Europe,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 24 (1994): 639–63.

7.

John Scott, Social Network Analysis, 4th ed. (New York: Sage, 2017); Stanley Wasserman and Kathryn Faust, Social Network Analysis: Methods and Applications (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994).

8.

For example, see Olivier Marcel, “Towards Data-driven Art Studies: A Social Network Analysis of Contemporary American Art,” African Arts 50, no. 4 (2017): 6–11; Stephanie Porras, “Keeping Our Eyes Open: Visualizing Networks and Art History,” Artl@s Bulletin 6, no. 3 (2017): article 3; Sanja Sekelj, “Qualitative Approaches to Network Analysis in Art History: Research on Contemporary Artist’s Networks,” in The Routledge Companion to Digital Humanities and Art History, ed. Kathryn Brown (New York: Routledge, 2020), 120–34.

9.

Annatina Aerne, “Prestige in Social Dilemmas: A Network Analytic Approach to Cooperation among Bogotá’s Art Organization,” Social Networks 61 (2020): 196–209; Alexander S. McKay, Paweł Grygiel, and Maciej Karwowski, “Connected to Create: A Social Network Analysis of Friendship Ties and Creativity,” Psychology of Aesthetics, Creativity, and the Arts 11, no. 3 (2017): 284–94.

10.

For a discussion of SNA in archaeology, see Barbara Mills, “Social Network Analysis in Archaeology,” Annual Review of Archaeology 46 (2017): 379–97; Carl Knappett, ed., Network Analysis in Archaeology (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013); Matthew A. Peeples, “Finding a Place for Networks in Archaeology,” Journal of Archaeological Research 27, no.4 (2019): 451–99.

11.

For example, see Jennifer A. Birch and John Hart, “Conflict, Population Movement, and Microscale Social Networks in Northern Iroquoian Archaeology,” American Antiquity 86, no. 2 (2021): 350–67; John Lulewicz, “The Social Networks and Structural Variation of Mississippian Sociopolitics in the Southeastern United States,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 116 (2019): 6707–12; Robert Vela, “Interlocking Networks and the Sacred Landscape of Hellenistic Northern Etruria: Capturing Social and Geographic Entanglement through Social Network Analysis,” Open Archaeology (Berlin) 5, no. 1 (2019): 505–18.

12.

Jessica L. Munson and Martha J. Macri, “Sociopolitical Network Interactions: A Case Study of the Classic Maya,” Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 28, no. 4 (2009): 424–38; Vincent Chollier, “Social Network Analysis in Egyptology: Benefits, Methods and Limits,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 105, no. 1 (2020): 83–96.

13.

See Patricia Knobloch, “Who Was Who in the Middle Horizon Andean Prehistory,” website, 2002, last updated January 2, 2023, https://whowaswhowari.sdsu.edu.

14.

Bergh, Wari; Dorothy Menzel, “Style and Time in the Middle Horizon,” Ñawpa Pacha 2 (1964): 1–106; William H. Isbell, “Wari and Tiwanaku: International Identities in the Central Andean Middle Horizon,” in Handbook of South American Archaeology, ed. Helaine Silverman and William H. Isbell (New York: Springer, 2008), 731–59; Dorothy Menzel, La cultura Huari (Lima: Compañia de Seguros y Reaseguros Peruano-Suiza, 1968).

15.

Paul Heggarty, “Linguistics for Archaeologists: A Case-Study in the Andes,” Cambridge Archaeological Journal 18, no. 1 (2008): 35–56; William H. Isbell, “Huari Administration and the Orthogonal Cellular Architecture Horizon,” in Huari Administrative Structures, ed. William Isbell and Gordon McEwan (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 1991), 293–316; Heather Lechtman, “Middle Horizon Bronze: Centers and Outliers,” in Patterns and Process: A Festschrift in Honor of Dr. Edward V. Sayre, ed. Lambertus van Zelst (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Center for Materials Research and Education, 2003), 248–68; P. Ryan Williams, “Agricultural Innovation, Intensification, and Sociopolitical Development: The Case of Highland Irrigation Agriculture on the Pacific Andean Watersheds,” in Agricultural Strategies, ed. Joyce Marcus and Charles Stanish (Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, UCLA, 2006), 309–33.

16.

William H. Isbell, “Reconstructing Huari: A Cultural Chronology for the Capital City,” in Emergence and Change in Early Urban Societies, ed. Linda Manzanilla (New York: Plenum Press, 1997), 181–227; William H. Isbell, “Huari: Crecimiento y desarrollo de la capital imperial,” in Wari: Arte Precolombino Peruano, ed. Luis Millones (Seville, Spain: Fundacíon el Monte, 2001), 99–172; William H. Isbell, “Huari: A New Direction in Central Andean Urban Evolution,” in Domestic Life in Prehispanic Capitals: A Study of Specialization, Hierarchy, and Ethnicity, ed. Linda R. Manzanilla and Claude Chapdelaine, Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, no. 46 (Ann Arbor: Museum of Anthropology, 2009), 197–219.

17.

Justin Jennings and Nathan Craig, “Polity-wide Analysis and Imperial Political Economy: The Relationship between Valley Political Complexity and Administrative Centers in the Wari Empire of the Central Andes,” Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 20 (2002): 479–502; Gordon McEwan and P. Ryan Williams, “The Wari Built Environment: Landscape and Architecture of Empire,” in Bergh, Wari, 65–81.

18.

Christina A. Conlee, “The Impacts of Coastal-Highland Interactions and Population Movements on the Development and Collapse of Complex Societies in Nasca, Peru (AD 500–1450),” Latin American Antiquity 32, no. 2 (2021): 405–21.

19.

See William H. Isbell and Katharina J. Schreiber, “Was Huari a State?” American Antiquity 43, no. 3 (1978): 372–89. The authors answered this question in the affirmative, and subsequent researchers have accepted this suggestion. The fit with classic definitions of the state, however, has not been explicitly explored.

20.

See Joyce Marcus and Gary M. Feinman, introduction to Archaic States, ed. Gary M. Feinman and Joyce Marcus (Santa Fe, NM: School for Advanced Research, 1998), 3–14.

21.

See Isbell, “Huari”; José Ochatoma Paravicino, Martha Cabrera Romero, and Carlos Mancilla Rojas, El área sagrada de Wari: investigaciones arqueológicas en Vegachayuq Moqu (Ayacucho: Universidad Nacional de San Cristóbal de Huamanga, 2015); Ismael Pérez Calderón, Huari: misteriosa ciudad de piedra (Ayacucho, Peru: Universidad de San Cristóbal de Huamanga, 1999).

22.

William H. Isbell, “Landscapes of Power: A Network of Palaces in Middle Horizon Peru,” in Palaces and Power in the Americas: From Peru to the Northwest Coast, ed. Jessica Joyce Christie and Patricia Joan Sarro (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2006), 44–98; William H. Isbell, “Palaces and Politics in the Andean Middle Horizon,” in Palaces of the Ancient New World, ed. Susan Toby Evans and Joanne Pillsbury (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009), 191–246.

23.

Anita G. Cook and Mary Glowacki, “Pots, Politics, and Power: Huari Ceramic Assemblages and Imperial Administration,” in The Archaeology and Politics of Food and Feasting in Early States and Empires, ed. Tamara L. Bray (New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum, 2003), 173–202; Justin Jennings, Aleksa K. Alaica, and Matthew E. Biwer, “Beer, Drugs, and Meat: A Reconsideration of Early Wari Feasting and Statecraft,” Archaeology of Food and Foodways 1, no. 2: 154–77; Donna Nash, “Fiestas y la economía política Wari en Moquegua, Perú,” Chungará 43, no. 2 (2011): 221–42; Donna Nash, “The Art of Feasting: Building an Empire with Food and Drink,” in Bergh, Wari, 82–102.

24.

John Baines and Norman Yoffee, “Order, Legitimacy, and Wealth: Setting the Terms,” in Legitimacy, and Wealth in Ancient States, ed. Janet Richards and Mary Van Buren (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 13–20; V. Gordon Childe, “The Urban Revolution,” Town Planning Review 21, no. 1 (1950): 3–17.

25.

Anita G. Cook, Wari y Tiwanaku: entre el estilo y la imagen (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú [PUCP], 1994).

26.

See Cathy Lynne Costin, “Craft Specialization: Issues in Defining, Documenting, and Explaining the Organization of Production,” Archaeological Method and Theory 3 (1991): 1–56. We use the term attached specialists here to mean those employed by the state in controlled, nondomestic workshops.

27.

Adriana Von Hagen and Craig Morris, The Cities of the Ancient Andes (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1998); Pérez Calderón, Huari.

28.

Our best understanding of where art was produced is from ceramic production at Conchopata. See Amy Grouleau, “Depositional Histories at Conchopata: Offering, Internment, and Room Closure in an Andean City” (PhD diss., State University of New York, Binghamton, 2011); Denise Pozzi-Escot, “Conchopata: A Community of Potters,” in Isbell and McEwan, Huari Administrative Structures, 81–92; Barbara Wolff, “Potters, Power and Prestige: Early Intermediate Period and Middle Horizon Ceramic Production at Conchopata, Ayacucho, Peru (A.D. 400–1000)” (PhD diss., Catholic University, 2012).

29.

Tiffiny A. Tung, Violence, Ritual and the Wari Empire: A Social Bioarchaeology of Imperialism in the Ancient Andes (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2012); Tiffiny A. Tung and Kelly J. Knudson, “Social Identities and Geographical Origins of Huari Trophy Heads from Conchopata, Peru,” Current Anthropology 49 (2008): 915–25.

30.

Following Carole Crumley, “Heterarchy and the Analysis of Complex Societies,” Archaeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 6, no. 1 (1995): 1–5.

31.

Paul Goldstein, “From Stew-Eaters to Maize-Drinkers: The Chicha Economy in Tiwanaku,” in Bray, Archaeology and Politics of Food, 143–72; John Wayne Janusek, Ancient Tiwanaku (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008); Justin Jennings and Timothy Earle, “Urbanization, State Formation and Cooperation: A Reappraisal,” Current Anthropology 57, no. 4 (2016): 474–93; Krzysztof Makowski Hanula, “Royal Statues, Staff Gods, and the Religious Ideology of the Prehistoric State of Tiwanaku,” in Tiwanaku: Papers from the 2005 Mayer Center Symposium at the Denver Art Museum, ed. Margaret Young-Sánchez (Denver: Denver Art Museum, 2009), 133–64.

32.

Linda Manzanilla, ed., Multiethnicity and Migration at Teopancazco (Tallahassee: University Press of Florida, 2014); Francesca Fulminante, The Urbanisation of Rome and Latium Vetus: From the Bronze Age to the Archaic Era (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014).

33.

Isbell, “Wari and Tiwanaku”; Luis G. Lumbreras, The Peoples and Cultures of Ancient Peru (Washington, DC: Smithsonian University Press, 1974); Katharina J. Schreiber, Wari Imperialism in Middle Horizon Peru (Ann Arbor: Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, 1992); Katharina J. Schreiber, “The Wari Empire of Middle Horizon Peru: The Epistemological Challenge of Documenting an Empire without Documentary Evidence,” in Empires: Perspectives from Archaeology and History, ed. Susan E. Alcock, Terence N. D’Altroy, Kathleen D. Morrison, and Carla M. Sinopoli (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 70–92.

34.

Gordon F. McEwan, “Conclusion: The Function of Pikillacta,” in Pikillacta: The Wari Empire in Cuzco, ed. Gordon F. McEwan (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 2005), 147–64; Theresa L. Topic and John Topic, “Contextualizing the Wari-Huamachuco Relationship,” in Beyond Wari Walls: Regional Perspectives on Middle Horizon Peru, ed. Justin Jennings (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2010), 188–212.

35.

Silvana Amanda Rosenfeld, Brennan T. Jordan, and Megan E. Street, “Beyond Exotic Goods: Wari Elites and Regional Interaction in the Andes during the Middle Horizon (AD 600–1000),” Antiquity 95, no. 380 (2021): 400–16. Timothy Earle and Justin Jennings, “Remodeling Wari Political Economy,” in Los rostros de Wari: perspectivas interregionales sobre el horizonte medio, Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, no. 16, ed. Justin Jennings and Luis Jaime Castillo (Lima: Fondo Editorial de la PUCP, 2014), 209–26.

36.

Isbell “Huari,” 214–15.

37.

Schreiber, “Wari Empire,” 86–87.

38.

Justin Jennings, “Reenvisioning Wari,” in Jennings et al., Quilcapampa, 17–53.

39.

Justin Jennings, Globalizations and the Ancient World (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011); Jennings et al., Quilcapampa; and Schreiber, “Wari Empire.”

40.

Patricia J. Knobloch, “La imagen de los señores de Huari y la recuperación de una identidad Antigua,” in Señores de los Imperios del Sol, Colección Arte y Tesoros del Perú, ed. Krzysztof Makowski (Lima: Banco de Crédito, 2010), 197–209; Patricia J. Knobloch, “Archives in Clay: The Styles and Stories of Wari Ceramic Artists,” in Bergh, Wari, 122–44; Patricia J. Knobloch, “La vida y los tiempos de El Señor Wari de Vilcabamba: cronología e identidad del agente 103 en el imperio Wari durante el Horizonte Medio,” Andes: Boletín del Centro Estudios Precolombinos de la Universidad de Varsovia 9 (2016): 91–120; and Patricia J. Knobloch, “Founding Fathers of the Middle Horizon: Quests and Conquests for Andean Identity in the Wari Empire,” in Images in Action: The Southern Andean Iconographic Series, ed. William H. Isbell, Mauricio I. Uribe, Anne Tiballi, and Edward P. Zegarra (Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology Press, UCLA, 2018), 687–720; Patricia J. Knobloch, “The Ecuadorian Huancavilcas and Middle Horizon Spondylus Trade,” in Wari: Nuevos Aportes y Perspectivas, ed. José Ochatoma Paravicino and Martha Cabrera Romero (Universidad Nacional de San Cristóbal de Huamanga, Ayacucho, 2021), 111–30.

41.

Marcia-Anne Dobres and John E. Robb, eds. Agency in Archaeology (New York: Routledge, 2010).

42.

Menzel, “Style and Time”; Menzel, La cultura Huari; Knobloch, “La imagen de los señores de Huari.”

43.

Knobloch, “La imagen de los señores de Huari”; Knobloch, “Founding Fathers”; Knobloch, “Ecuadorian Huancavilcas.”

44.

See Knobloch, “Agent 103,” Who Was Who website, accessed January 25, 2022, https://whowaswhowari.sdsu.edu/WWWAgents.html#103.

45.

See Knobloch, “Agent 151,” Who Was Who website, https://whowaswhowari.sdsu.edu/WWWAgents.html#151.

46.

Knobloch, “La imagen de los señores de Huari”; Knobloch, “La vida y los tiempos”; Knobloch, “Founding Fathers”; Knobloch, “Ecuadorian Huancavilcas.”

47.

Gibbon et al., “Complicating the Early State.”

48.

Jan C. Athenstäd Habiba, Barbara J. Mills, and Ulrick Brandes, “Social Networks and Similarity of Site Assemblages,” Journal of Archaeological Science 92 (2018): 63–72.

49.

Matthew A. Peeples and John M. Roberts, Jr., “To Binarize or Not to Binarize: Relational Data and the Construction of Archaeological Networks,” Journal of Archaeological Science 40, no. 7 (2013): 3001–10.

50.

Vincent D. Blondel, Jean-Loup Guillaume, Renaud Lambiotte, Etienne Lefebvre, “Fast Unfolding of Communities in Large Networks,” Journal of Statistical Mechanics: Theory and Experiment 10 (2008): 1–12.

51.

Gibbon et al., “Complicating the Early State.”

52.

See Albert-László Barabási, Network Science (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016).

53.

Carter T. Butts, “Social Network Analysis: A Methodological Introduction,” Asian Journal of Social Psychology 11 (2008): 13–41; Erik Gjesfjeld and S. Colby Phillips, “Evaluating Adaptive Network Strategies with Geochemical Sourcing Data: A Case Study from the Kruil Islands,” in Network Analysis in Archaeology: New Approaches to Regional Interaction, ed. Carl Knappett (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 281–305.

54.

Gibbon et al., “Complicating the Early State.”

55.

Knobloch, “Founding Fathers”; Knobloch, “Ecuadorian Huancavilcas.”

56.

See Justin Jennings, “Reevaluando el horizonte medio en Arequipa,” Boletín Arqueología PUCP 16 (2012): 165–88; Justin Jennings, Matthew E. Biwer, and Christina A. Conlee, “Assembling the Early Expansionary State: Wari and the Southern Peruvian Coast,” Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 65 (2022): 101395, www.sciencedirect.com/journal/journal-of-anthropological-archaeology/vol/65/suppl/C; Bruce Owen, “Wari in the Majes-Camaná Valley: A Different Kind of Horizon,” in Jennings, Beyond Wari Walls, 57–78; Máximo Neira Avendaño, “Arequipa prehispánica,” in Historia general de Arequipa, ed. Máximo Neira Avendaño, Guillermos Galdos, Alejandro Malaga, Eusebio Quiroz, and Juan Guillermo (Lima: Fundación M. J. Bustamente de la Fuente, 1990), 5–184. Beth Koontz Scaffidi, George D. Kamenov, Ashley E. Sharpe, and John Krigbaum, “Non-Local Enemies or Local Subjects of Violence?: Using Strontium (87Sr/86Sr) and Lead (206Pb/204Pb, 207Pb/204Pb, 208Pb/204Pb) Isobiographies to Reconstruct Geographic Origins and Early Childhood Mobility of Decapitated Male Heads from the Majes Valley, Peru,” Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 29 (2022): 426–79; Tung, Violence, Ritual and the Wari Empire; Lidio M. Valdez, “La investigación arqueológica en el valle de Acarí y la contribución de Francis A. Riddell,” in Arqueología del área centro sur andina: actas del simposio internacional 30 de junio – 2 de julio de 2005, Arequipa, Perú, ed. Mariusz S. Ziółkowski, Justin Jennings, Luis Augusto Belen Franco, and Andrea Drusini (Warsaw: Centro de Estudios Precolombinos, University of Warsaw, 2009), 255–79.

57.

René S. Santos Ramírez, “Investigación arqueológica en el valle de Siguas” (PhD diss., Universidad Nacional de San Agustín, Arequipa, 1976).

58.

Aleksa K. Alaica, Patricia Quiñonez Cuzcano, and Luis Manuel González La Rosa, “Analysis of Faunal and Malacological Remains,” in Jennings et al., Quilcapampa, 350–91; Matthew E. Biwer and Mallory Melton, “Macrobotanical and Starch Grain Analysis,” in Jennings et al., Quilcapampa, 307–49; Oscar Huamán Lopez, Justin Jennings, and Willy Yépez Álvarez, “Ceramic Analysis,” in Jennings et al., Quilcapampa, 209–57.

59.

See our note 56. Spatial analysis showed significant difference between the Wari-affiliated compounds and outlying homes in many ways that include ceramics, lithic use, cuisine, and spatial organization.

60.

See Knobloch, “La vida y los tiempos”; Knobloch, “Founding Fathers.”

61.

Katharina J. Schreiber, “The Association between Roads and Polities: Evidence for Wari Roads in Peru,” in Ancient Road Networks and Settlement Hierarchies in the New World, ed. Charles D. Trombold (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 43–252; Schreiber, Wari Imperialism; Katharina J. Schreiber, “Regional Approaches to the Study of Prehistoric Empires: Examples from Ayacucho and Nasca, Peru,” in Settlement Pattern Studies in the Americas: Fifty Years since Virú, ed. Brian Billman and Gary Feinman (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1999), 160–71.

62.

Patricia J. Knobloch, “A Study of the Huarpa Ceramic Style of the Andean Early Intermediate Period” (master’s thesis, State University of New York, Binghamton, 1976) and Patricia J. Knobloch, “A Study of the Andean Huari Ceramics of Middle Horizon 1” (PhD diss., State University of New York, Binghamton, 1983).

63.

Christina A. Conlee, Corina Kellner, Chester Walker, and Aldo Noriega, “Early Imperialism in the Andes: The Wari Colonization of Nasca,” Antiquity 95, no. 384 (2021): 1527–46; Matthew J. Edwards, “Archaeological Investigations at Pataraya: A Wari Outpost in the Nasca Valley of Southern Peru” (PhD diss., University of California, Santa Barbara, 2010); Matthew J. Edwards and Katharina J. Schreiber, “Pataraya: The Archaeology of a Wari Outpost in Nasca,” Latin American Antiquity 25, no. 2 (2014): 215–33; Johny Isla Cuadrado and Markus Reindel, “La ocupación Wari en los valles de Palpa, costa sur del Perú,” Arqueologiá y sociedad 27 (2014): 193–26; Volker Soßna, “Impacts of Climate Variability on Pre-Hispanic Settlement Behavior in South Peru: The Northern Rio Grande de Nasca Drainage between 1500 BCE and 1532 CE” (PhD diss., Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel, 2014).

64.

Michele Buzon, Christina A. Conlee, Antonio Simonetti, and Gabriel J. Bowen, “The Consequence of Wari Contact in the Nasca Region during the Middle Horizon; Archaeological, Skeletal, and Isotopic Evidence,” Journal of Archaeological Science 39 (2014): 2627–36; and Christina A. Conlee, Michele R. Buzon, Aldo Noriega Gutierrez, Antonio Simonetti, and Robert A. Creaser, “Identifying Foreigners versus Locals in the Burial Population of Nasca, Peru: An Investigation Using Strontium Isotope Analysis,” Journal of Archaeological Science 36 (2009): 2755–64.

65.

Johny Isla Cuadrado, “Wari en Palpa y Nasca: perspectivas desde el punto de vista funerario,” Boletín de Arqueología PUCP 5 (2001): 555–83, Menzel, La cultura Huari; Schreiber, “Regional Approaches.”

66.

David G. Beresford-Jones, Susana Acre T., Olivier Q. Whaley, and Alex J. Chepstow-Lusty, “The Role of Prosopis in Ecological and Landscape Change in the Samaca Basin, Lower Ica Valley, South Coast Peru from the Early Horizon to the Late Intermediate Period,” Latin American Antiquity 20, no. 2 (2009): 303–32; B. Eitel, S. Hecht, B. Mächtle, G. Schukraft, A. Kadereit, G. A. Wagner, B. Kromer, I. Unkel, and M. Reindel, “Geoarchaological Evidence from Desert Loess in the Nasca-Palpa Region, Southern Peru: Palaeoenvironmental Changes and Their Impact on Pre-Columbian Structures,” Archaeometry 47 (2005): 137–58.

67.

Christina A. Conlee and Katharina J. Schreiber, “The Role of Intermediate Elites in the Balkanization and Reformation of Post-Wari Society in Nasca, Peru,” in Intermediate Elites in Precolumbian States and Empires, ed. Christina M. Elson and Alan R. Covey (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2006), 94–111.

68.

Christina A. Conlee, “Nasca and Wari: Local Opportunism and Colonial Ties during the Middle Horizon,” in Jennings, Beyond Wari Walls, 96–112; Deborah Spivak, “Women in Opposition: The Sociopolitical Implications of Loro Female Face-neck Jars of Middle Horizon South Coastal Peru,” Cambridge Archaeological Journal 27, no. 1 (2016): 55–76.

69.

Schreiber, “Wari Empire”; Markus Reindel, “Life at the Edge of the Desert – Archaeological Reconstruction of the Settlement History in the Valleys of Palpa, Peru,” in New Technologies for Archaeology: Multidisciplinary Investigations in Palpa and Nasca, Peru, ed. Markus Reindel and Günther A. Wagner (Berlin: Springer-Verlag, 2009), 439–61.

70.

Jennings et al., “Assembling the Early Expansionary State”; Reindel, “Life at the Edge”; Soßna, “Impacts of Climate Variability.”

71.

Edwards, “Archaeological Investigations at Pataraya”; Matthew J. Edwards, “Wari State Control of Camelid Caravan Traffic between the Coast and Highlands of the Southern Nasca Region, Peru,” in Caravans in Global Perspective: Contexts and Boundaries, ed. Persis B. Clarkson and Calogero M. Santoro (New York: Routledge, 2021), 93–105; Isla Cuadrado and Reindel, “La ocupación Wari.”

72.

Schreiber, Wari Imperialism, 192–94.

73.

Alan G. Hogg, Quan Hua, Paul G. Blackwell, Mu Niu, Caitlan E. Buck, Thomas P. Guilderson, Timothy J. Heaton et al., “SHCal 13 Southern Hemisphere Calibration, 0-50,000 Years Cal BP,” Radiocarbon 55, no. 4 (2014): 1889–1903.

74.

Schreiber, Wari Imperialism, 192–94.

75.

Schreiber, 160–61.

76.

Schreiber, “Wari Empire,” 91; Martha B. Anders, “Structure and Function at the Planned Site of Azangaro: Cautionary Notes for the Model of Huari as a Centralized Secular State,” in Isbell and McEwan, Huari Administrative Structures, 165–98; William H. Isbell, The Rural Foundations of Urbanism, Illinois Studies in Anthropology 10 (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1977); Frank Meddens and Nicholas Branch, “The Wari State, Its Use of Ancestors, Rural Hinterland and Agricultural Infrastructure,” in Jennings, Beyond Wari Walls, 155–70.

77.

Schreiber, “Wari Empire,” 91.

78.

Schreiber, Wari Imperialism, 246.

79.

Huamán Lopez et al., “Ceramic Analysis.”

80.

Justin Jennings, Tiffiny A. Tung, Willy J. Yépez Álvarez, Gladys Cecilia Quequezana Lucano, and Marko Alfredo López Hurtado, “Shifting Local, Regional, and Interregional Relations in Middle Horizon Peru: Evidence from La Real,” Latin American Antiquity 26, no 3 (2015): 382–400; María Cecilia Lozada, Alanna Warner-Smith, Rex C. Haydon, Hans Barnard, Augusto Cardona Rosas, and Raphael Greenberg, “Head Processing among La Ramada Tradition of Southern Peru,” in Social Skins of the Head: Body Beliefs and Ritual in Ancient Mesoamerica and the Andes, ed. Vera Tiesler and María Cecilia Lozada (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2018), 187–204.

81.

Martha B. Anders, “Dual Organization and Calendars Inferred from the Planned Site of Azangaro” (PhD diss., Cornell University, 1986); José Ochatoma Paravicino and Martha Cabrera Romero, Poblados rurales Huari: una visión desde Aqo Wayqo (Lima: Cano Asociados SAC, 2001); Lidio M. Valdez, Ernesto Valdez, and Katrina J. Bettcher, “Posoqoypata, un cementerio Wari en el valle de Ayacucho, Perú,” Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Études Andines 30, no. 2 (2001): 335–57.

82.

Anders, “Dual Organization and Calendars,” 297; Masaki Doi, “Asentamentos pequeños durante la formación del Estado Wari,” in Diversidad y uniformidad en el Horizonte Medio de los Andes prehispánico, ed. Shinya Watanabe, Research Papers of the Anthropological Institute, vol. 8 (Nagoya: Nanzan University, 2019), 144–75.

83.

Patrick Ryan Williams, Donna Nash, Anita Cook, William Isbell, and Robert J. Speakman, “Wari Ceramic Production in the Heartland and Provinces,” in Ceramics of the Indigenous Cultures of South America: Studies of Production and Exchange through Compositional Analysis, ed. Michael D. Glascock, Hector Neff, and Kevin J. Vaughn (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2019), 125–34.

84.

Anders, “Dual Organization and Calendars.”

85.

Schreiber, Wari Imperialism, 230.

86.

Knobloch, “Founding Fathers”; Andrea Vazquez de Arthur, “Clay Bodies, Powerful Pots: On the Imagery and Ontology of Wari Face-necked Vessels” (PhD diss., Columbia University, 2020).

87.

See Knobloch, “Agent 151,” https://whowaswhowari.sdsu.edu/WWWAgents.html#151 and “Agent 152,” https://whowaswhowari.sdsu.edu/WWWAgents.html#152; Huamán Lopez et al., “Ceramic analysis.”

88.

Denise Y. Arnold and Christine A. Hastorf, Heads of State: Icons, Power, and Politics in the Ancient and Modern Andes (Walnut Creek: Left Coast Press, 2008); Knobloch, “Agent 130,” Who Was Who website, https://whowaswhowari.sdsu.edu/WWWAgents.html#130.

89.

William H. Isbell, “El Señor Wari de Vilcabamba y sus relaciones culturales,” Andes: Boletín del Centro Estudios Precolombinos de la Universidad de Varsovia 9 (2016): 39–90; Knobloch, “La vida y los tiempos.”

90.

Knobloch, 113.

91.

See Knobloch, “Agent 141,” https://whowaswhowari.sdsu.edu/WWWAgents.html#141.

92.

Menzel, “Style and Time,”21–30.

93.

Knobloch, “La vida y los tiempos.”

94.

Eloy Linares Málaga, Prehistoria de Arequipa (Arequipa: CONCYTEC-UNSA, 1990); Neira Avendaño, “Arequipa prehispánica.”

95.

Justin Jennings, “Una reevaluación del horizonte medio en Arequipa,” in Jennings and Castillo, Los rostros de Wari, 165–88; Jennings et al., Quilcapampa; but see Owen, “Wari in the Majes-Camaná Valley” for a differing interpretation for that valley.

96.

Justin Jennings, Branden Rizzuto, and Willy Yépez Álvarez, “Living at Quilcapampa: Brief Occupation and Orderly Abandonment,” in Jennings et al., Quilcapampa, 168–208.

97.

Menzel, “Style and Time,” 69.

98.

Schreiber, “Wari Empire,” 91.

99.

Owen “Wari in the Majes-Camaná Valley”; Valdez, “La investigación arqueológica.”

100.

Hiram Bingham, “The Ascent of Coropuna,” Harper’s Monthly Magazine 124, no. 742 (March 1912): 489–502.

101.

Justin Jennings, “The Fragility of Imperialist Ideology and the End of Local Traditions, an Inca Example,” Cambridge Archaeological Journal 13, no. 1 (2003): 107–20, Eloy Linares Málaga, “El arte rupestre mobilar en el sur del Perú,” Revista española de antropología americana 5 (1970): 77–98; Branden Rizzuto and Justin Jennings, “Quilcapampa’s Stone Tools and Placas Pintadas,” in Jennings et al., Quilcapampa, 258–306.

102.

See Mary Helms, “Long-Distance Contacts, Elites’ Aspirations, and the Age of Discovery in Cosmological Context,” in Resources, Power, and Interregional Interaction, ed. Edward M. Schortman and Patricia A. Urban (New York: Plenum Press, 1992), 157–74.

103.

Jennings et al., “Shifting Local, Regional, and Interregional Relations.”

104.

Justin Jennings, Willy Yépez Álvarez, Stefanie Bautista, Beth K. Scaffidi, Tiffiny A. Tung, Stephen Berquist, Luis Manuel González La Rosa, Branden Rizzuto, and Aleksa Alaica, “Funerary Traditions, Population Aggregation, and the Ayllu in Late Intermediate Period Sihuas Valley, Peru,” Latin American Antiquity 32, no. 3 (2021): 517–35.

105.

Linares Málaga, Prehistoria de Arequipa, 335; Schreiber, Wari Imperialism.

106.

Jennings et al., Quilcapampa.

107.

Jennings et al., “Assembling the Early Expansionary State.”

108.

Jennings et al., Quilcapampa.