Thirteenth-century trouvère songs and motets often begin with a conventionalized introduction in which the sensory experience of a springtime landscape inspires the composer to think of his beloved and to sing. Long derided as insincere by critics or simply ignored, the “springtime opening” of the trouvères represents one of the largest bodies of nature imagery in medieval vernacular song. Drawing on a corpus of over one hundred songs and motets, this article offers an ecomusicological reconsideration of the springtime opening, revealing that the way individual medieval composers invoked nature imagery was often correlated with their status and geography. Aristocratic trouvères, who had ready access to open expanses of land on their estates, used the opening often and earnestly. An emerging group of urban trouvères, many of whom were educated clerics, rarely invoked the springtime opening, and when they did, they distanced themselves from it through clever inversions and parody. I argue that these divergent reactions to nature imagery likely reflected lived experiences in the environment, and further, that the songs bear witness to major changes in land management in urban and rural northern France. These songs and motets prompt observations about the relationships between nature, culture, and crisis in medieval and modern society.

In their songs, the trouvères paid particular attention to openings. Many thirteenth-century trouvère songs and vernacular motets begin with a conventionalized introduction in which the return of springtime or fine weather is described as provoking in the speaker amorous sentiments and the desire to sing. The springtime opening, often referred to as either the exorde printanier or the Natureingang, may have its poetic roots in the classical locus amoenus, an idealized representation of nature as a “pleasant place” that both enchants and gives rise to amorous sentiments.1 The topos is also found in troubadour song and is described by Mathieu de Vendôme in his twelfth-century treatise on vernacular poetry, the Ars versificatoria. Such an opening involves a recognizable inventory of attributes. In addition to birdsong, the delights of springtime can include the arrival of warm weather and the return to the landscape of green grass, green leaves, and blossoms. These delights turn the singer's thoughts to love and prompt him to compose a new song. Often, the nightingale announces spring's return, and his song inspires the singer to compose his own. Some trouvère songs use a reversal of the springtime opening in which the subject describes a winter landscape characterized by the death of the grass and falling leaves, as well as the silence of the birds. While the springtime opening most often leads to thoughts of love and song composition, the effect of the wintertime opening is mixed. Sometimes the trouvères create a parallelism between winter and sadness in which the subject is unable to love or sing on account of his lack of inspiration. In other songs, the singer focuses on the contrast between the dormant landscape and his internal feelings of love.

The springtime opening was such a mainstay of trouvère love songs that it began to appear in other song genres as well as in narrative romances. As early as the 1230s, Guillaume de Lorris interspersed four successive invocations of the Natureingang into his Roman de la rose, the most widely transmitted and widely imitated narrative poem of the thirteenth century.2 The device was overtly parodied in the pastourelle, a song genre that features a knight who rides out from the castle into the countryside, encounters a young shepherdess, and attempts to seduce her. Conventionally, the knight's advances will be either welcomed or rebuffed, or he will resort to force, raping the girl in the secluded landscape, far from onlookers.3,Pastourelles often begin with the springtime opening, a reference that medieval audiences would have immediately associated with the love song tradition.4 In pastourelles, the warmth of the season stirs the knight's lust for the shepherdess, creating a humorous inversion of the elevated desire and impetus for refined song production that are prompted by the springtime in trouvère love songs.5 Although the knight of the pastourelle often describes the landscape in which he is embedded in the same manner as the springtime opening of the love songs, nature's primary role is to provide the secluded setting within which he can satisfy his carnal impulses without being discovered.6 

Despite its ubiquity in thirteenth-century music and poetry, the springtime opening has received relatively little attention in recent musicological accounts of trouvère song and the ars antiqua motet. Scholars working on these genres have focused more intently on questions of origin, transmission, historiography, and subjectivity.7 This is perhaps not surprising given that critics have long been dismissive of medieval nature imagery. The foundational twentieth-century philologist Ernst Robert Curtius viewed medieval nature poetry as a stylized literary exercise that mechanically recycled biblical and classical motifs.8 In his lengthy account of the springtime opening in trouvère song, French structuralist critic Roger Dragonetti described it as a body of clichés, devoid of realism and subjectivity: “the truth of these descriptions results not from direct observation of the things of nature or from subjective sentiment, but rather from conformity to a cliché—that is, to a proven literary model whose images and style the author adopts and appropriates.”9 Arguing that trouvère song was an impersonal genre devoid of subjectivity, Dragonetti emphasized the copious repetition of shared motifs. He singled out songs in which the springtime opening seemed to be critiqued or ironized, claiming that such songs represented isolated examples of personal sentiment that occurred against a backdrop of repetitive cliché. He even postulated, without evidence, that unrefined jongleurs were responsible for the proliferation of the Natureingang.10 As Judith Peraino argues, structuralist critics such as Dragonetti, Paul Zumthor, and Michel Zink “voided the self-expression of the songs by rendering the author and love nothing more than literary motifs.” These critics asserted that rather than singing about their own experiences, the trouvères projected a mythical self who performed through a veil of fiction for an audience that temporarily suspended disbelief.11 

Were the springtime openings that are found in the songs of the trouvères and the vernacular motet genre merely rhetorical invocations of a literary trope, or could they possibly record an individual's experience in a natural setting? This question is best addressed through the framework of ecocriticism, a field that has been thriving in other areas of the humanities for decades but which has only recently been embraced by musicology.12 Aaron S. Allen describes ecomusicological scholarship broadly as criticism that examines the way music reflects, relates to, or relies on the natural world.13 With rare exceptions,14 most existing ecomusicological scholarship has been published within the past fifteen years and has focused on nineteenth- and twentieth-century repertoires.15 Few studies deal with music written prior to 1800, and only a single musicological study, Elizabeth Eva Leach's monograph Sung Birds: Music, Nature and Poetry in the Later Middle Ages, systematically addresses the representation of nature in medieval repertoires.16 

My own observations on this topic are based on a survey of the use of the Natureingang in a repertoire of seventy-eight trouvère love songs and forty-one vernacular motet voices in which it appears.17 All of the terms I might use to explore the ways in which thirteenth-century composers express their relationship to the natural world, such as “landscape,” “environment,” “wilderness,” and even “nature” itself, are problematic. Some critics avoid the term “environment” on account of the way it separates humans from a natural world they inhabit rather than viewing them as part of it.18 Others advocate using the term “nature” in quotation marks to underscore its status as a cultural construct that is frequently set in opposition to the human sphere.19 I use both terms here because they accord with medieval understandings of the Creation, which medieval Christians viewed as a habitat designed specifically for them by God.20 

I will begin by developing a context for understanding urban and rural land use practices in thirteenth-century northern France. Next, I will explore the ways in which the surviving sources of trouvère song (the chansonniers, or songbooks) define trouvère identities by highlighting relationships between social rank and the environment, associating aristocratic trouvères with the outdoors and clerical trouvères (most of whom lived in cities) with the indoors. I will then show that the identities projected by the songbooks tend to match the ways in which trouvères and motet composers approach the springtime opening, rural trouvères embracing it while urban composers eschew it or subject it to inversion and irony. Placing these songs and motets in dialogue with medieval environmental history and the history of land use will show that they emerged at a historical moment when the relationship between the people of northern France and their environment was changing dramatically, and in ways that often correlated with social status and geography. As patterns of rural land use evolved alongside a dramatic population boom in urban centers such as Paris and Arras, thirteenth-century songwriters began to describe the natural world in ways that reflected their own class status, which increasingly influenced the kind and quality of experiences they had in their environments.

Land, Status, and Identity in an Era of Environmental Transformation

In current ecological thinking, the “interaction model” stresses that what we tend to think of as the natural world is not an autonomous sphere, but rather one that is always being shaped by cultural processes.21 This dynamic is especially evident in thirteenth-century northern France, where landscapes were molded by the lifestyle of the aristocracy in rural areas and by the material demands of cities whose populations were exploding. By the late twelfth century, the population of Paris had grown such that between 1190 and 1220 Philip Augustus saw fit to build new fortifications around the left and right banks, significantly expanding the area of the city. The left bank had been covered with vineyards that supplied wine to the city's inhabitants and the Seine was lined with gardens. As the thirteenth century progressed, these green spaces and cultivated lands were given over to houses during a construction boom that would see the city filled with buildings up to its walls.22 By 1300, Paris was home to 200,000 people.23 The city had a population density that was 20 percent higher than that of present-day London but with few buildings higher than three storeys. The ground trodden by medieval urbanites was impervious: “towns were a terrain of beaten earth, of buildings, of increasingly paved squares, streets, and courtyards.”24 

Urban ecosystems are built environments whose inhabitants are engaged in nonagricultural activities; they can be maintained only by cultural inputs.25 Writing in 1287, the Austrian monk Engelbert of Admont estimated that four agricultural laborers were needed to support each medieval urban dweller.26 During the thirteenth century, increased urbanization and explosive population growth coincided with significant gains in agricultural production. Europeans were enjoying the final decades of the “Medieval Climate Anomaly,” an unusually temperate period that lasted roughly from 900 to 1300. The MCA was a “climatically favoured age” for northwest Europe, characterized by above-average temperatures and settled atmospheric circulation patterns that produced mild, wet winters and warm summers.27 These conditions were unusually favorable for farming. Expanding medieval cities forced agricultural change in the lands that surrounded them. The provisioning hinterlands around even a small urban center might extend ten to twenty miles beyond the city walls; in the case of large cities, demand for agricultural goods reached far into the countryside.28 The land around the metropolis of Paris was under intensive cultivation in order to supply its urban inhabitants with dietary staples, particularly wheat, wine grapes, and meat.29 During what the historian Georges Duby called the “extension of the arable,” virtually all of the formerly uncultivated lands of northern France were planted (especially with grain), creating a new landscape in which the enclosed field predominated.30 

The status of the forest changed dramatically, as woodlands for a hundred kilometers up and down the Seine were needed to supply the city with wood.31 As Duby explains, “The forest in the early Middle Ages had been a bottomless reservoir open to all. … In the thirteenth century trees became a specialized and protected form of plant life intended to supply the needs of building, manufacture and heating.”32 Any treed areas near the city had been either cleared or reserved for medieval wood lots, most of which were cultivated using coppicing. Coppicing involves harvesting the branches of a tree, leaving a small stump behind. The stump is left undisturbed for a period of at least five to six years while the suckers that form naturally at its base have time to grow into a ring of poles that can be easily harvested as “small wood.”33 Small wood was in heavy demand for fencing, firewood, and the making of tools. As Richard C. Hoffmann explains, a coppiced woodlot is fundamentally different from a wood: “Everything is small and brushy. It is a thoroughly colonized landscape.”34 In an era of wood farming, “big trees remained but they grew ever further away, and so became ever more expensive.”35 Although nobles rented out portions of their estates for wood production, coppiced woodlots were especially prevalent near cities, not in rural areas.36 Up to the mid-twelfth century, the Île de la Cité had been surrounded by a ring of tall woods. Parisians of all ranks once had easy access to the forest by taking a short walk beyond the city walls.37 By the thirteenth century, Europe was in the midst of the “great clearance,” a period in which forest land declined from 50 percent of all lands to just 20–30 percent. The woods that once surrounded Paris had been transformed for the purpose of agricultural production. Together, the increase in grain farming and the intensive production of wood meant that by 1230 in the areas around Paris and by 1250 in Picardy virtually all suitable land had been cultivated.38 This expansion of grain production enabled a tripling of the European population across all strata of society while dramatically altering the landscape.39 

Just as the lands around cities were transformed by the material needs of their urban inhabitants, the dominance of meat and bread in elite diets (a cultural preference) also led to a fundamental reshaping of the rural landscapes in which aristocratic estates were located.40 The demand for the cereals used in both bread and livestock feed led to massive clearances of woodland on aristocratic estates and the conversion of virtually all suitable land into arable. Aristocrats prized venison above all other meats; hunting and eating game were central to the aristocratic self-image.41 Royal castles were often built next to forests for hunting purposes.42 Yet however important it was symbolically, hunting actually supplied relatively little of the meat consumed on aristocratic estates. Archaeozoology has revealed that the majority of the meat eaten by medieval aristocrats came from livestock, particularly grain-fed pigs and cattle.43 The environmental impact of livestock farming, especially the conversion of forested areas on estates into arable land, was remarkably uniform across Europe, signaling “a fundamentally different sort of relationship between elite society and nature, with the desire to change and shape the flora and fauna of the countryside becoming part of the European aristocratic mindset.”44 This “animalscape” was part of the material culture of the aristocracy.45 Even the ornamental portions of the grounds of medieval estates displayed meat-producing landscape features such as rabbit warrens, dovecotes, fish ponds, and deer parks, all of which were prized for both their utility and their beauty.46 

Although their land management was focused intently on meat production, medieval aristocrats were also enthusiastic cultivators of landscapes designed for favored leisure activities and to rejuvenate those who spent time in them, surrounding them with pleasurable sensations. The aristocracy prized the few true tall forests that remained in the region, forests that supplied the best hunting grounds.47 Such forests were true luxury items available only to elite landowners and functioned as a potent symbol of wealth and status.48 Aristocrats held their woodlands exclusively and never leased them; others spent time there only with permission, whether as laborers or as guests.49 The leisurely enjoyment of woodland settings was thus an experience strongly associated with medieval aristocratic identity. Aristocrats also spent lavishly to create elaborate gardens, spaces designed specifically to promote privacy and pleasurable experiences surrounded by plant life and trees.50 Because they were believed to penetrate directly into the brain, scents (especially the pleasant odors of flowers) were often the first medical response to humoral imbalances.51 The color green was believed to nourish the eye and protect against blindness in old age.52 Spending time in woods and gardens was thus viewed as a way to promote health and remedy illness.

The ways in which medieval people molded their environments ensured that both geography and social rank had a profound impact on the experiences they had in it. And, coming full circle, the resulting shape of these environments became a sensible marker of the social status of those who owned or inhabited them. The built environment of the medieval city included fewer green spaces than the cities to which we are accustomed today, and the surrounding lands were overwhelmingly agricultural. The landscapes of aristocratic estates, while also under intensive cultivation, were carefully managed so as to offer opportunities to be immersed in forests or surrounded by greenery, trees, and flowers, experiences to which deep cultural value was attached.

Rank, Status, and Identity in Songbooks

This strong linkage between social rank, culture, geography, and landscape (and in particular the sharp divergences between urban and rural environments) also finds expression in thirteenth-century musical repertoires and the manuscripts that record them. During the thirteenth century, troubadour and trouvère songs were first compiled as anthologies and copied into luxury manuscripts known as chansonniers.53 A perusal of these chansonniers immediately makes clear that the compilers were preoccupied with the social rank of individual songwriters, highlighting the identities of their authors self-consciously as either aristocrats, clerics, or professional singers (jongleurs). These identities were far more fluid than the medieval songbooks suggest, however. Many clerics were themselves born as aristocrats. Aristocratic households employed clerics to serve as notaries and lawyers; these men thought of themselves as members of the court and inhabited the same spaces as the courtiers they served.54 Other clerics moved between aristocratic and ecclesiastical contexts over the course of their careers.55 Yet the chansonniers are at pains to distinguish between these identities. Some troubadour songbooks include short biographies of the troubadours (vidas) alongside their songs, and these rarely fail to mention their rank.56 In the miniature author portraits found in many troubadour and trouvère songbooks, the social rank of the songwriter is accurately reflected in his or her clothing. Even the ordering of songs in these manuscripts shows a notable consciousness of rank, as Mary O'Neill highlights: “The predominant system of organization in the sources of trouvère lyric is the assemblage of author corpora, arranged to a certain extent in descending order of social rank.”57 Many songbooks begin with an author section featuring the songs of Thibaut IV, Count of Champagne and later king of Navarre, giving the trouvère-king pride of place.58 Several of the author portraits of Thibaut depict him seated, wearing his crown.59 

In their depiction of noble and clerical songwriters, the author portraits in the chansonniers also characterize the two social groups as having different relationships to the natural world. Aristocratic trouvères are consistently depicted as armored knights on horseback, foregrounding the strong ties these men had to the outdoors.60 The horses on which the trouvères are perched are normally leaping slightly out of the frame, implying motion in an outdoor setting. The horse itself points to the ability of mounted noblemen to traverse the great distances of their own estates and beyond. The background of these portraits is usually a solid field of gold leaf, but in the portraits of the comte d'Anjou and the duc de Brabant in the Chansonnier du Roi the horses leap in front of a tree that bends in their direction, presumably swaying in the wind (see Figure 1).61 The tree is not an ornamental addition to the margin: it lies squarely in the space of the miniature, embedding the trouvère within a natural setting.62 

Figure 1

Figure 1

Portrait of the duc de Brabant in the Chansonnier du Roi, Bibliothèque nationale de France, fonds français 844, 6r. Used by permission.

Cleric-trouvères, by contrast, were depicted in interior settings. Many of the troubadours and trouvères were clerics, men who possessed some degree of Latin learning. The most celebrated of the cleric-trouvères was Adam de la Halle of Arras. In his own works in which he appears as a character, Adam frequently expresses his desire to return to his studies at the University of Paris. Although it is not known whether Adam ever studied at the university, his peers consistently refer to him as a cleric and as especially learned.63 In addition to writing over twenty trouvère songs, Richard de Fournival worked as a deacon, canon, and finally chancellor of the Amiens chapter of Notre Dame; he also served as a canon of Rouen and chaplain to Cardinal Robert de Sommercote.64 Gautier de Coinci, a monk from Soissons, adapted trouvère song through contrafaction to serve the purposes of Marian devotion in his widely transmitted Miracles de Notre Dame, as did the anonymous composers of the chansons pieuses, who are also believed to have been clerics.65 Other trouvères whose works are less well known today were canons, monks, lawyers, and university masters. And there are yet others for whom we lack biographical information but who are referred to as “clers” (cleric) in manuscript rubrics. Many of these cleric-trouvères worked in Arras. Adam de Givenchi was cleric to the bishop; Simon d'Authie, Pierre de Corbie, Lambert Ferri, Guibert Kaukesel, and Gilles le Vinier were all canons.66 Among the ranks of the cleric-trouvères we should surely also count a portion of the anonymous composers of the motet repertoire, some of whom, as I will discuss further below, may have been Parisian clerics.67 

Not all clerics were urbanites. A number of important monastic centers of learning were located in the countryside. And although many priests were trained in urban universities or cathedral schools, they typically returned home after their studies or took positions in rural locales. Even those who attended universities would have done so for a relatively short period in their youth; only a minority would remain in Paris as magistri, priests, or administrators. Yet it is important to note that the vast majority of the cleric-trouvères whose songs survive resided in either Paris or Arras, both densely populated, bustling urban centers.68 The cleric-trouvères are infrequently pictured in the miniatures found in some chansonniers, but the Chansonnier d'Arras features a variety of author portraits for clerical trouvères including Richard de Fournival and Adam de la Halle.69 These author portraits showcase three activities strongly associated with medieval clerics: reading books aloud, writing, and disputing. Richard is pictured seated behind a lectern reading aloud from an open book; Adam is seated at a writing desk at work on a manuscript, holding his quill in his right hand while keeping a pen in his left to scrape away any mistakes; and the cleric-trouvères Simon d'Authie and Gilles le Vinier face one another as if engaged in a disputation.70 The Chansonnier d'Arras thus represents cleric-trouvères participating in activities that took place in indoor settings: university lecture halls, scriptoria, and rooms conducive to study and reflection.

The chansonniers thus represent aristocratic and clerical trouvères as having different experiences in their environments, projecting an aristocratic identity connected to the outdoors and a clerical identity associated with indoor activities. In both cases, these identities align fairly closely with what is known of the lives of the trouvères in each rank. In addition to any time they may have spent in battle or on crusades, noblemen engaged in outdoor leisure activities such as hunting, falconry, and tourneying.71 Aristocrats were not ensconced in their rural estates; they frequently traveled to cities. Yet it is clear from their itineraries, which often seem to have been planned around favored hunting grounds, that they preferred to spend their time in the countryside.72 Medieval clerics resided in both urban and rural contexts, yet the cleric-trouvères overwhelmingly happened to live in either Paris or Arras. The emphasis on indoor activities in their portraits, such as reading and laboring at the writing desk, is thus reasonably apt. This is not to say that urban clerics had no access to nature. Cloisters can enclose gardens and overlook orchards; scriptoria have windows to let in natural light. Students of the University of Paris performed quodlibetical disputations outdoors on the Latin Quarter's rue de Fouarre for assembled crowds,73 and spent leisure time in the grassy Pré aux Clercs.74 The orchards, wheat fields, and vineyards within and just beyond the city walls that supplied its inhabitants with food were relatively close at hand. The cityscape included nature, but its landscapes differed from the vast, open expanses of a noble estate. Medieval urban environments also offered little if any quiet or solitude.75 

Although they clearly resonate with important aspects of the experiences of medieval aristocrats and clerics, then, the rigidly separate identities projected by the chansonniers for these two ranks oversimplify what is known about the more fluid dynamics of medieval social structures. Even if medieval compilers, patrons, and readers may have viewed these class distinctions as somewhat exaggerated, it is clear that they were invested in these stereotypes. Cautioning against a direct mapping of cultural images onto historical categories to which they allude but with which they are not in perfect alignment, scholars of troubadour song encourage us to distinguish between concepts of rank and status. Sarah Kay suggests that, rather than viewing cultural products such as songbooks and the songs they transmit as straightforwardly reflective of specific medieval economic and social conditions (rank), we focus on the way these cultural artifacts negotiate a troubadour's status, which is a cultural construct that may or may not match the known biographical details of his or her historical rank.76 Recognizing the distinction between status and rank will allow us to see how thirteenth-century song projects the cultural identities of the noble singer or cleric-trouvère, identities that are articulated in no small part through the relationship between songwriters and their environment.

Experiencing the Environment in Aristocratic Song

We have just seen that there was often a close correlation between status and relationship to the environment in medieval northern France, and that it was underscored by illustrations in the songbooks. Is this correlation also evident in the ways in which the trouvères describe the natural world in their songs? Perhaps because of the above-discussed general skepticism about subjectivity in the troubadour and trouvère corpus, modern scholars have rarely considered whether the springtime opening might record a trouvère's firsthand experience in nature.77 As a thought experiment, I would like to entertain this notion. Addressing it will necessitate a rather literal reading of the songs, an exercise that may seem somewhat naive. Further, I will need to adopt what has sometimes been called the “autobiographical assumption,” meaning that I will assume that in most cases the “I” of the text refers to its author and that the ideas, emotions, and experiences recorded in the text could be his or her own. I maintain that in most cases, the author of the song, as identified by his or her name in the chansonniers and sometimes in additional documentation, is real, and possesses some degree of historical specificity. The autobiographical assumption has rightly been criticized as relying in an overly literal way on the transparency of language and assuming too much sincerity on the part of the authors themselves. In keeping with critics such as Kay, who have revived the autobiographical assumption in modified form, I will recognize the possibility that in any given song the information that is known about a trouvère's historical life may not be in alignment with the persona projected through the grammatical subject.78 In such cases, it is the role of the analyst to determine the degree of solidarity between the singer and the song.79 

The assumption that the springtime opening was insincere relied in part on the belief that the troubadours and trouvères adopted it from classical poetry. Yet there are important discrepancies between the thirteenth-century springtime opening and the nature imagery found in classical poetry, particularly the locus amoenus, or “pleasant place.” Describing the classical locus amoenus, Curtius stated that “its minimum ingredients comprise a tree (or several trees), a meadow, and a spring or brook. Birdsong and flowers may be added. The most elaborate examples also add a breeze.”80 The topos begins with Theocritus and is developed by Virgil and Ovid, later becoming the object of “bravura rhetorical description.”81 The fixation on shade and water in the locus amoenus likely reflected Theocritus's own experiences in the parched climates of Sicily and Egypt, but these elements were retained in the topos for centuries, even by poets writing in the wetter, shadier North.82 The springtime openings found in the songs of the trouvères invoke only a few elements of the locus amoenus with any regularity: meadows, birdsong, and flowers. Curtius viewed medieval poetic landscapes as invented and insincere because much of their imagery was demonstrably not that which was observed by medieval poets, but rather was imitated from descriptions of nature in classical texts and the Bible. As evidence of this poetic modeling, he noted the appearance of nonindigenous flora and fauna such as lions in French epics, creatures that could be seen only in royal menageries.83 Yet the elements of the locus amoenus retained by the trouvères lack exotic species of animals and plants. The grassy meadows, rose bushes, woods, and bird species described by the trouvères were all found in northern French landscapes, allowing us to entertain the possibility that the springtime opening reflected the environments of which individual songwriters had direct experience.

It is thus reasonable to suppose that trouvère songs with springtime openings may present a phenomenological account of an individual's experience of being in a landscape.84 They offer a model of spontaneous, oral song composition that unfolds while the singer reacts to an outdoor scene in which he is embedded.85 This is particularly the case in the songs of the most prolific of the trouvères, Gace Brulé. Although little is known about his life, a Latin charter from 1212 indicates that he owned an estate near Dreux, west of Paris. His songs seem to have been widely known and appreciated, given their broad transmission in the surviving chansonniers, the pride of place they occupy in those books, and the degree to which they were imitated and quoted by other thirteenth-century poets.86 In Gace's song “Quant noif et giel et froidure” (RS 2099),87 the speaker begins by exclaiming,

   Quant noif et giel et froidure 
   remaint o le temps felon, 
   que fuille et flour et verdure 
   vient o la bele saison, 
  lors chant sanz envoiseüre, 
   dont ai si droite achoison, 
   que j'aing d'amours qui trop dure 
   sanz gré et sanz guierredon.88  

When snow and frost and cold / come to an end with the harsh season, / when leaf and flower and grass / return with the beautiful weather, / then I sing without mirth— /and for good cause, / for I love with a love that has lasted too long / without favor and without reward.89 

Because they are written in the first-person voice and the present tense, springtime openings like this one ask listeners to imagine that they record a compositional scenario developing in real time and in a specific place. These songs are monophonic; the notion that an oral compositional process could occur anywhere, including a meadow, is therefore plausible. “Quant noif et giel et froidure” asks us to accept that the singer wrote it while in the countryside watching the last remnants of winter melt away, and that his inspiration to devise its rhyme and melody came upon him suddenly, while viewing the greening landscape. The opening word “Quant,” which begins many of these songs, places us temporally. After the description of winter's waning and spring's emergence, the poetic “I” is ushered in conspicuously by the adverbial phrase “lors chant,” introducing the speaker in a specific moment of seasonal change and in the act of singing.90 This “when/then” formulation implies a causal relationship between the physical setting and the subject's decision to begin singing. Gace was fond of using this poetic device, featuring it in eight of his songs. Moreover, he consistently highlights the poetic shift from the description of the landscape to the act of singing by placing the adverb “lors” at a moment of formal change in the musical structure. Like most of Gace's songs, this one is in pedes cum cauda form (bar form), which is built on two distinct musical phrases in the form AAB (see Example 1).91 The arrival of the cauda is a significant formal event in these songs, not only because it introduces a new melody, but also because it often explores new tonal areas and a different part of the ambitus, engaging a new vocal register.92 As shown in Table 1, in six of the eight songs in which Gace uses the adverb “lors” to introduce the act of singing, including “Quant noif et giel et froidure,” he positions the nature description in the pedes (verses 1–4), using the two A melodies, and aligns the word “lors” and its introduction of the singing subject with the cauda section (verse 5), using the B melody. The effect is aurally arresting, aligning the diegetic moment of singing in the lyric with a different tessitura for the singer and a fresh melody. It is a phenomenon felt by both the singer and the listener. There are only two songs in which Gace uses the word “lors” in a different musical position (in verse 3, at the beginning of the second pes), indicating that the device was probably intentional. In the songs of Gace Brulé, at the moment of seasonal change that prompts the speaker to sing, listeners also hear a new melody.

Example 1

Example 1

Gace Brulé, “Quant noif et giel et froidure”

Table 1

Structural position of the adverb “lors” in the songs of Gace Brulé

Song numberTitleLine in which the word “lors” appearsPosition of the word “lors” within the musical form
RS 1893 A la douçor de la bele saison 
RS 437 Au renovel de la douçor d'esté 
RS 1977 Quant define fueille et flor 
RS 1486 Quant je voi la douz tens venir 
RS 1638 Quant je voi la noif remise 
RS 633 Quant je voi l'erbe resplandre 
RS 1795 Quant l'erbe muert 
RS 2099 Quant noif et giel et froidure 
Song numberTitleLine in which the word “lors” appearsPosition of the word “lors” within the musical form
RS 1893 A la douçor de la bele saison 
RS 437 Au renovel de la douçor d'esté 
RS 1977 Quant define fueille et flor 
RS 1486 Quant je voi la douz tens venir 
RS 1638 Quant je voi la noif remise 
RS 633 Quant je voi l'erbe resplandre 
RS 1795 Quant l'erbe muert 
RS 2099 Quant noif et giel et froidure 

This particular springtime opening focuses on visual aspects of the environment, but other examples are multisensory, incorporating reports of the freshness of the air and the sound of birdsong. Conventionally, the springtime opening succeeds when it turns the singing subject's thoughts to his beloved or inspires him to sing and compose. It communicates a harmonious, fruitful relationship between the singing subject and the lands that surround him. Indeed, in songs such as “Quant noif et giel et froidure” the environment itself seems to help to generate the song, prompting the singer directly to produce the sounds we hear, as though it possesses a kind of agency. The outdoor locale is not merely a setting or background for the song that it introduces but a precondition for its production.

The firsthand, present-tense description of the trouvère's sensory experience is immediate and immersive. Addressing the curious temporality of springtime songs that feature the nightingale, Leach writes, “Many such lyrics open with the lyric ‘I’ recounting how the song of the nightingale prompted him to find the language of poetry and thereby produce the very same sung poetic performance that the audience is already hearing and that describes the birdsong which prompted it.”93 As listeners or readers, springtime songs ask us to imagine two performances: a first that was sung by the singing subject (whom we presume to be aligned with the trouvère) for an audience that consisted of himself alone and a second that occurs as we listen. We perceive what we hear or read as a recreation of that original, spontaneous composition and the experience in the landscape that it records; we imagine that the song that survives, whether sung or written, comes to us from the singer's memory of the first oral performance.94 Listeners are free to engage in a vicarious experience of being in nature and feeling its sensations, channeled through the voice of the singer. The present tense encourages listeners to place themselves in the first-person perspective, experiencing the encounter with nature as it unfolds. The springtime opening represents itself as being unmediated.

We need not always interpret the Natureingang quite this literally; it is unlikely that all songs employing the device were composed spontaneously outdoors in the manner the songs describe. Closer scrutiny of this song by Gace quickly reveals elements that are not, strictly speaking, realistic. Snow and frost melt away far more gradually than Gace implies, and leaves and flowers of different types emerge in stages, not simultaneously with the return of fine weather. Further, nature descriptions, even those that present themselves as authentic, can be either stylized or imitated from other artists. Whereas the trouvères do not appear to have imitated the springtime opening directly from the locus amoenus or the Bible, individual trouvères could have derived their descriptions of nature from the songs of talented peers.95 Interpreting these songs in quasi-documentary fashion as records of lived experience, as I have just done, also discounts the role that imagination and invention surely played in their composition. Yet study of the full corpus of songs by Gace that use the springtime opening reveals his inclination toward the pleasurable, generative encounter with the environment that we have seen in “Quant noif et giel et froidure.”

There are seventy-eight love songs that are consistently attributed to Gace in the chansonniers, and nearly a third of these (twenty-four) begin with the Natureingang. Gace only occasionally parodies or ironizes the topos in his songs. For example, the speaker asserts that he holds his lady dear in all seasons (RS 1324), chides false and lazy lovers who can only sing in the springtime (RS 549), and underscores that his lady alone can command him to sing, not the orchards and flowering fields (RS 787). Yet across the full corpus of his songs, the return of fine weather, greenery, and birdsong overwhelmingly inspire the speaker to sing or to think of his beloved. Gace uses the springtime opening eighteen times; in all but four of these songs, the springtime inspires the singer to love and compose. Further, the way in which Gace represents the singer's encounter with nature in his songs also aligns with his own aristocratic status. As noted above, medieval aristocrats held the freedom to manage their own estates. Nobles could rent out parcels of their lands to others to generate income; portions of their estates were farmed by tenants who pastured animals on fallow fields, grew crops, and harvested wood. Yet depending on their need for this income, medieval landowners could also retain portions of their estates for private use. Recent research by Oliver Creighton has demonstrated that aristocrats groomed portions of the land near their castles specifically for their own aesthetic appreciation and enjoyment, as well as for the communication of wealth, power, and privacy.96 

It is striking that grazing animals, laborers, and also roads and pathways are absent from Gace's descriptions. Further, the land he describes is, for the most part, not agricultural; only seven of his songs mention features such as orchards and groves that were necessarily cultivated.97 The majority of his springtime openings are focused on descriptions of flowers and birdsong, and of open meadows and unplanted fields covered in greening grasses. Indeed, Gace draws specific attention to the absence of human (and animal) activity in these spaces through frequent references to grass that is wet with dew, indicating that he is the first person to tread on the landscape that morning. In his “Biaus m'est estéz” (RS 1006), the speaker sings of his love of the summer, when the birds sing, “et l'erbe vert de rosee se muille, / qui resplandir la fait lez le rivage” (and the green grass is wet with dew / which makes it shimmer along the river bank).98 In another song (RS 633), the singing subject is inspired to sing by shimmering (presumably dewy) fields of grass: “Lanque voi l'erbe resplandre / par les prez et renverdir / lors vuil a chanter entendre” (When I see the grass shimmer / in the fields and grow green, / then I wish to turn to song).99 The other noticeable projection of an aristocratic vantage point with regard to nature is the expansive quality of the landscapes described. In “A la douçor de la bele saison” (RS 1893), the subject's vision sweeps across greening meadows, orchards, and thickets; in “Au renovel de la douçor d'esté” (RS 437) the speaker views a stream flowing, woods, orchards, fields greening, and the rosebush flowering red. As mentioned above, in “Biaus m'est estéz” (RS 1006), the singer observes a grove, grassy fields, and a riverbank; a riverbank also appears in Gace's “Quant voi la flor betoner” (RS 772). Moreover, not only is the image of a riverbank capacious, suggesting an expansive landscape, but in northern France meadows were not sown crops; they thrived in wetlands and small river floodplains.100 Gace's descriptions are thus true to the topography. Although they are a mainstay of the classical locus amoenus, references to fountains and brooks in the nature openings of the trouvères are quite rare; Dragonetti claimed that Gace was the only trouvère to include a river in his songs.101 

Gace's songs thus project the identity of an aristocratic landowner, an identity that is in alignment with his own status. We are encouraged to imagine that the “I” in these songs is Gace himself. Whereas the topography he describes seems authentic, the experience of solitary enjoyment on the landscape is probably unrealistic or at least somewhat rare, even for high-ranking trouvères. Aristocrats certainly had the freedom to spend time alone on their land, yet in reality the management of estates required a large staff from all ranks of society, ranging from knights and clerical administrators to gardeners and farmhands. Further, neighboring farmers sometimes held common rights to graze animals and collect firewood on aristocratic estates at certain times of year.102 Gace's songs nonetheless idealize the conceit of the solitary enjoyment of a beautiful, nonagricultural landscape, framing aristocratic status through the ownership and leisurely, private enjoyment of land.

Like Gace Brulé, the other aristocratic trouvères tended to use the springtime opening often, and most used it conventionally and effectively. Table 2 identifies the total number of love songs produced by the major aristocratic trouvères, the number of their songs that begin with the Natureingang, and whether the topos operates conventionally, such that the season is aligned with the poet's sentiment or actions.103 This would mean that springtime is aligned with thoughts of love or the desire to produce song and that wintertime is aligned with feelings of sadness or the inability to sing. Raoul de Soissons uses the nature opening in two of his three love songs, and in both cases the landscape prompts the expected poetic result.104 In the fourteen love songs that are consistently attributed to the Châtelain de Couci, the topos is used frequently and most often conventionally. The Châtelain uses the wintertime opening in one song and the springtime opening in six. The natural surroundings prompt the subject to think of love and/or sing in four of the six springtime songs. In some of his songs, the Châtelain inverts the topos. In “Quant li estés et la douce saisons” (RS 1913), he opens with a description of the landscape, but says that the season prompts other lovers to sing while the subject sighs and weeps; in “Quant voi esté” (RS 1450), the singer begins with a spring description and then expresses his animosity toward those who caused him to abandon his lover. In the Châtelain's only wintertime song, “L'an que rose ne fueille” (RS 1009), the subject sings in spite of the absence of flowers and birdsong. Yet in the majority of his love songs, the landscape is instrumental in prompting thoughts of love, song, or both.105 Gautier de Dargies opens with a landscape in five of his seventeen love songs.106 Three of the five are springtime openings, and the landscape produces the conventional result in two of these.107 Gautier also uses the wintertime opening in a further two songs, and in both cases winter is aligned with feelings of sadness and does not inspire song.108 Philippe de Rémi uses the Natureingang in three of his eight songs. In both of his springtime openings, the season is aligned with thoughts of love or song production.109 

Table 2

Springtime openings in the songs of aristocratic trouvères

TrouvèreDatesLocationLove songsNature openingSpringtimeAlignedWintertimeAligned
Châtelain de Couci d. 1203 Coucy 14 
Conon de Béthune d. 1219/20 Artois 11 – – – – 
Gace Brulé d. after 1213 Dreux 78 24 18 14 
Gautier de Dargies d. by 1236 Dargies (Beauvais) 17 
Henri III, duc de Brabant 1231–61 Brabant – – – – 
Jacques de Cysoing fl. second half of 13th century Flanders 
Philippe de Rémi d. 1265 Remy; Beauvais 
Raoul de Ferrières fl. ca. 1200 Eure 
Raoul de Soissons d. 1270 Cœuvres (Soissons) 
Thibaut IV de Champagne d. 1253 Champagne; Navarre 36 
TrouvèreDatesLocationLove songsNature openingSpringtimeAlignedWintertimeAligned
Châtelain de Couci d. 1203 Coucy 14 
Conon de Béthune d. 1219/20 Artois 11 – – – – 
Gace Brulé d. after 1213 Dreux 78 24 18 14 
Gautier de Dargies d. by 1236 Dargies (Beauvais) 17 
Henri III, duc de Brabant 1231–61 Brabant – – – – 
Jacques de Cysoing fl. second half of 13th century Flanders 
Philippe de Rémi d. 1265 Remy; Beauvais 
Raoul de Ferrières fl. ca. 1200 Eure 
Raoul de Soissons d. 1270 Cœuvres (Soissons) 
Thibaut IV de Champagne d. 1253 Champagne; Navarre 36 

Not all of the aristocratic trouvères reinforce this alignment between nature, sentiment, and composition, however. Two of them, the duc de Brabant and Conon de Béthune, do not use the nature opening in any of their love songs. Jacques de Cysoing uses either the springtime or the wintertime opening in seven of his eight songs, but in only one does the springtime landscape inspire the subject to sing.110 Three of the songs use a variation of the springtime topos in which the singer describes the natural setting but emphasizes that it is the god of love (Amors) who prompts him to sing or think of his beloved.111 Two others use the wintertime topos, but the subject sings in spite of the season.112 Of the seven songs that are securely attributed to Raoul de Ferrières, only two begin with the nature topos, and neither features an alignment between nature and sentiment.113 

Thibaut de Champagne uses the Natureingang infrequently in his songs; of the thirty-six love songs that are consistently attributed to him, the topos is used in only four. Further, it functions conventionally in only one of these songs, his “Contre le tens qui devise” (RS 1620), which begins with an elegant, oblique description of the springtime's delights: “Contre le tens qui devise / yver et pluie d'esté / et la mauvis se debrise / qui de lonc tens n'a chanté” (In honor of the season dividing / winter from summer's rain, / when the thrush, songless for so long, / sings graciously again).114 None of the other three songs begins by attributing the subject's desire to sing to spring's sensory delights. In two of them, the subject sings in spite of wintry weather.115 In Thibaut's remaining Natureingang, the speaker insists specifically that he sings not in response to the landscape he has just described, but rather to please his own heart. Thibaut even subjects the springtime topos to overt parody:

   Fueille ne flor ne vaut riens en chantant 
   fors por defaut, sanz plus, de rimoier, 
   et pour fere solaz vilaine gent 
   qui mauvès moz font souvent aboier. 
  Je ne chant pas por aus esbanoier, 
   mès por mon cuer fere un pou plus joiant. 

Leaf and flower are worth nothing in singing / except by default, nothing more, to making a rhyme / or giving solace to peasants / who often bark out crude words. / I sing, not to raise their spirits, / but to make my own heart a little more joyful.116 

It is interesting that the compilers of the Chansonnier Cangé illustrated this song with an image of Thibaut facing a tree with his index finger raised, a common posture of lecturing and instruction in medieval imagery (see Figure 2). As the trouvère holds forth, seemingly explaining that nature will not be of use in inspiring the love song that follows, the tree bends its leafy canopy forward submissively.117 

Figure 2

Figure 2

Portrait of Thibaut de Champagne, Chansonnier Cangé, Bibliothèque nationale de France, fonds français 846, 53v. Used by permission.

While these songs indicate Thibaut's contrarian attitude toward the nature opening as a rhetorical device, they do not demonstrate an eschewal of nature imagery in general. His songs are peppered with other, arguably more sophisticated examples of nature imagery, such as the oxymoronic formulation “Ceste dolor me devroit bien seoir / qui est sanz rive et n'i a point de font” (This sorrow which should suit me / is a river without banks or bed),118 or the analogy “Tout autresi con l'ente fet venir / li arrousers de l'eve qui chiet jus, / fet bone amor nestre et croistre et florir / li ramenbrers par coustume et par us” (Just as falling water / makes the grafted scion grow, / so does remembrance give birth to true love / and make it grow and flower through habit and use).119 Thibaut may not have been attracted to the rhetorical gesture of the Natureingang, but his lyrics nonetheless suggest a songwriter knowledgeable about and appreciative of nature.

The springtime openings of the aristocratic trouvères thus seem to reflect the experiences in the natural world that were possible for men of their status. The uniformity of their response is striking because the period of activity within which these songs were written spans nearly a century. Table 2 includes members of the earliest generation of trouvères, such as Gace Brulé, Gautier de Dargies, and the Châtelain de Couci (all of whom were active in the late twelfth or early thirteenth century), as well as poets such as Raoul de Soissons and Philippe de Rémi, who were active in the third quarter of the thirteenth century. Aristocratic trouvères drew on the springtime opening with relatively little irony for a century.

The way in which aristocratic trouvères invoked the Natureingang was thus more realistic than previous accounts have assumed. Yet it is also possible that these songs, particularly the later examples, were colored by some degree of nostalgia. The thirteenth century was, in many ways, a period of decline for the French nobility. The aristocracy famously saw its political influence wane when King Philip Augustus replaced his baronial councillors with a new class of salaried clerical administrators.120 Similarly, Philip's swelling army of paid soldiers undermined the nobelman's traditional military role;121 tournaments grew in popularity as a mechanism for articulating the self-image of the knightly elite just as these paid soldiers were becoming more widespread.122 Although it was an age of great economic prosperity and agricultural productivity, the nobility's increasing taste for luxury landed many families into debt,123 particularly in Flanders, where currency depreciation coupled with debt sent noble fortunes spiraling downward even more rapidly.124 Noble estates remained potent symbols of power, yet the thirteenth century also saw dramatic changes in the relationship between the lords and their lands. As cash began to replace in-kind payment, inflation diminished the income nobles received from leases and the sale of agricultural surpluses. Aristocrats continued to manage their estates, yet their income increasingly derived from the taxes and fees they levied on their tenants rather than from the fruits of the land. Rather than navigating the intricacies of the money economy, they became ever more dependent on clerical administrators for the management of their affairs. Moreover, the status of the landed nobleman was no longer unique, as wealthy farmers and merchants began to purchase and manage estates of their own, leading to greater fluidity between once rigid social classes.125 

As Gabrielle Spiegel and Judith Peraino have persuasively argued, it was the trauma of their decline in status that inspired noble Flemish patrons to celebrate the culture of chivalry through vernacular prose romances and late thirteenth-century songbooks such as the Chansonnier de Noailles.126 Similarly, in his study of aristocratic gardens during this period of decline, Creighton wonders whether “the ‘public face of lordship’ expressed by impressive buildings and their contrived settings sometimes masked aristocratic families under pressure.”127 The enthusiasm for nature imagery demonstrated by aristocratic trouvères could have been inspired, in part, by a nostalgic desire to celebrate a more direct relationship between lords and their lands. Alexander Rehding has highlighted the tendency for both music and ecological narratives to be “fed by a romantic idea of a simpler, holistic past.”128 Amid the complexities of a modernizing economy, the springtime songs of the aristocratic trouvères might have been shaped by a nostalgic yearning for a recent past in which land, love, and song had been pleasurably intertwined.

Rejecting the Springtime Opening: Irony and Effacement in the Songs of the Urban Cleric-Trouvères

In trouvère song, it is thus fair to say that aristocratic identity was articulated in part through connection to nature and solitary immersion in the environment. The songs of the cleric-trouvères reveal the opposite. The cleric-trouvères, most of whom lived in the bustling cities of Paris or Arras, rarely used nature imagery, as shown in Table 3. The urban surroundings within which most of them lived were in alignment with the identities they promulgated in their songs, which are not engaged with nature. Many of the urban cleric-trouvères who wrote love songs do not use the springtime topos at all, including the most prolific of them, Adam de la Halle.129 The urban cleric-trouvères Adam de Givenchi, Gadifer d'Avion, Jehan de Grieviler, and Pierre de Corbie also eschew the springtime opening entirely in their songs. Similarly, the most prolific cleric-trouvères, such as Moniot d'Arras and Guillaume le Vinier of Arras and Richard de Fournival, each of whom composed a corpus of at least fourteen love songs, use the nature topos quite sparingly. In sum, the topos is either absent or rare across the corpus of songs by the cleric-trouvères.

Table 3

Springtime openings in the songs of cleric-trouvères

TrouvèreDateLocationLove songsNature openingSpringtimeAlignedWintertimeAligned
Adam de Givenchi fl. mid-13th century Arras – – – – 
Adam de la Halle d. 1285–88 Arras 35 – – – – 
Gadifer d'Avion fl. mid-13th century Arras – – – – 
Gautier d'Espinal first half 13th century Metz 19 
Gilles le Vinier fl. second quarter 13th century Arras 
Guibert Kaukesel fl. mid-13th century Arras 
Guillaume le Vinier d. 1245 Arras 17 
Jehan de Grieviler second half 13th century Arras – – – – 
Lambert Ferri second half 13th century Arras 
Moniot d'Arras first half 13th century Arras 14 
Moniot de Paris fl. after 1250 Paris 
Pierre de Corbie d. after 1195 Paris – – – – 
Richard de Fournival 1201–59/60 Paris 16 
Richart de Semilli fl. ca. 1200 Paris – 
Simon d'Authie d. after 1235 Amiens and Arras – 
TrouvèreDateLocationLove songsNature openingSpringtimeAlignedWintertimeAligned
Adam de Givenchi fl. mid-13th century Arras – – – – 
Adam de la Halle d. 1285–88 Arras 35 – – – – 
Gadifer d'Avion fl. mid-13th century Arras – – – – 
Gautier d'Espinal first half 13th century Metz 19 
Gilles le Vinier fl. second quarter 13th century Arras 
Guibert Kaukesel fl. mid-13th century Arras 
Guillaume le Vinier d. 1245 Arras 17 
Jehan de Grieviler second half 13th century Arras – – – – 
Lambert Ferri second half 13th century Arras 
Moniot d'Arras first half 13th century Arras 14 
Moniot de Paris fl. after 1250 Paris 
Pierre de Corbie d. after 1195 Paris – – – – 
Richard de Fournival 1201–59/60 Paris 16 
Richart de Semilli fl. ca. 1200 Paris – 
Simon d'Authie d. after 1235 Amiens and Arras – 

Some cleric-trouvères did use the Natureingang conventionally. The arrageois trouvère Simon d'Authie, for example, opens four of his six love songs with the springtime topos and it leads to singing and feelings of love in three of them.130 Gautier d'Espinal and Moniot de Paris also used the topos effectively in several of their songs.131 The Parisian trouvère Richart de Semilli invoked the springtime opening only once across his six love songs, but he used it conventionally.132 In the two songs in which Gilles le Vinier uses the seasonal topos, it has mixed results, featuring alignment between the season and the poet's sentiments in one case but not in the other.133 

A number of cleric-trouvères undermined the seasonal topos every time they invoked it. Lambert Ferri and Guibert Kaukesel (both from Arras) also only use it once, and in each case the singing subject remains abject despite the season or attributes his desire to sing to his lady or to Amors rather than to the beauty of the landscape he describes.134 Moniot d'Arras used the springtime opening in three of his songs, but he inverts or ironizes it in all cases. His widely transmitted song “Li dous termines m'agree” (RS 490) uses what seems to be a typical opening in which the singer declares that the month of April at Eastertide, the flowers and leaves of the bushes and fields, and the song of birds in the branches are agreeable to him. Yet in verses 8–10 it becomes clear that he is not, at the time of writing, located in the landscape he has just described. He claims that his joy would increase if he were to flee to the region where the one he worships remains.135 If, in this case, he were writing as himself and recalling his own experiences, the song would perhaps imply that Moniot was in Arras at the time of writing, looking back with longing on a period of time spent in the countryside.136 Guillaume le Vinier also uses the springtime or wintertime opening in two of his songs. In springtime, neither the landscape nor the song of the lark inspires him, yet in winter, the snow on a branch moves him to sing.137 As mentioned above, Richard de Fournival consistently undermines the conventions of the springtime opening. In his song “Gente m'est la saisons d'esté” (RS 443), for example, the subject comments that he finds springtime pleasant but considers winter more pleasant still and more congenial to his desire.138 In “Quant je voi” (RS 1677a), rather than inspiring him to compose, birdsong causes the madness the singer had cast off to return. And in “Quant chante oisiaus tant seri” (RS 1080), the singing subject explains that when he hears the birds sing in the flowering bushes, he remembers a pleasure he has always hoped for but never in his life experienced except in thought. In this cerebral play on the springtime opening, Richard explicitly denies the poetic linkage between the sensations of the weather and the singer's emotions, sublimating the experience of pleasure into something imagined.

The cleric-trouvères, then, most of whom lived in either Paris or Arras, largely reject the conventions of the springtime opening. With few exceptions, the fifteen cleric-trouvères featured in Table 3 (all but one of whom were connected to an urban area) either avoid the Natureingang altogether or invoke it only to insist on its ineffectiveness. The poetic device of the springtime opening simply did not speak to the majority of cleric-trouvères; further, the absence of nature imagery in their songs seems to be in alignment with what is known about the experiences they were likely to have had in their lived environments. As in the case of the aristocratic trouvères, there is a notable consistency in the way urban cleric-trouvères treat nature imagery: the songwriters listed in Table 3 span well over a century of poetic activity and are evenly distributed between the early and latter parts of the thirteenth century.

In my treatment of the cleric-trouvère corpus thus far, I have focused on monophonic song.139 Although never explicitly characterized as such, it would be reasonable to view the vernacular motet genre as part of the corpus of music written by the cleric-trouvères. Motets were likely composed by clerics and in their themes, forms, and melodies often strongly resemble trouvère song. The motet repertoire is almost entirely anonymous; we have very little direct evidence about those who were connected to the hundreds of examples that survive in dozens of manuscripts from the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. The consensus is that urban clerics likely formed a vital portion of the genre's composers, singers, and listeners. The manuscripts that transmit the majority of these motets originated in Paris and Arras.140 The few named authors attached to motets in medieval sources were clerics with ties to Paris or Arras.141 Organum, a genre with which many motets are intimately connected, was sung by the “clerks of matins,” a shifting body of young clerics who knew, by heart, the discant clausulae upon which many of the earliest motets seem to have been based.142 Christopher Page compellingly argued that since many of the stylistic features of organum would have reminded these singers of vernacular song, underlaying their melodies with vernacular verses would have been a natural process.143 The involvement of Parisian clerics, many of whom were likely university students and recent graduates, also offers a persuasive explanation for the spread of Parisian polyphony to other regions such as Artois and Cambrai, since, as mentioned above, students typically returned home after completing their studies.144 The thirteenth-century clerical class was a broad one, encompassing not only university masters and students but also parish priests, secular canons, scribes, and notaries, as well as boys learning plainchant and studying grammar.145 In addition to clerics, the motet genre also seems to have attracted the attention of members of society engaged in lay devotion.146 

The likelihood that the vernacular motet corpus was composed by medieval clerics connects the genre to the corpus of songs by the cleric-trouvères discussed above. The repertoire also exhibits strong musical and poetic ties to trouvère song that further support this connection. Many vernacular motets are transmitted alongside trouvère song in the Chansonnier du Roi and the Artesian Chansonnier de Noailles, as well as in the manuscript that preserves Adam de la Halle's complete works, which includes both Adam's motets and his vernacular songs.147 The themes, poetic styles, and forms of trouvère song are evident throughout the vernacular motet repertoire. In addition to the existence of a small number of vernacular motets that directly quote whole stanzas of surviving trouvère songs as their upper voices, the lyrics of the vast majority of vernacular motets are written in the style of the various thirteenth-century genres of monophonic trouvère song.148 Motet lyrics encompass, in abbreviated form, pastourelle narratives, the complaints of the mal mariée, the rhetoric of trouvère love songs, and a host of other recognizable features of the thirteenth-century lyric tradition.149 There is a group of motets that uses tenor patterning that strongly links their structural features to vernacular polyphonic song forms.150 Another group uses the pedes cum cauda musico-poetic form that gives shape to so many trouvère love songs.151 These aspects of its musical and poetic style, and the clerical identity of its most likely composers, thus encourage us to align the vernacular motet repertoire with the corpus of vernacular songs produced by the cleric-trouvères.

No account to date has focused specifically on the ways in which motet composers invoked the rhetoric of the springtime opening of trouvère song,152 yet the vernacular motet represents one of the largest musical repertoires in which the springtime opening is found. Like the cleric-trouvères discussed above, motet composers used the opening less frequently and less conventionally than aristocratic trouvères. They too tended to approach the topic with irony and humor. I have located forty-one motet voices that use either the springtime opening or its parallel, the wintertime opening. Table 4 identifies each of these individual motet voices, indicating its tenor, its manuscript transmission, its use of the Natureingang, and whether or not the singer's experience of the season is aligned with his attitude toward love and song.153 A glance at the manuscript transmission of this corpus immediately suggests strong ties to Paris: all but five of the motet voices are found in at least one of the major Parisian motet collections—Ba, Cl, Mo, and W2. It would be impossible to represent, in tabular form, all of the relationships between these motet voices and the additional motet voices with which many of them are brought into dialogue when they are set polytextually. Because of the complex nature of motet transmission, it will be necessary to address these relationships in the context of individual pieces. But before delving into case studies, it will be helpful to identify some broader tendencies in the way the Natureingang functions across the corpus of motet voices in which it appears.

Table 4

Springtime openings in the motet repertoire

Motet numberIncipitTenorSpringtimeAlignedWintertimeAlignedSources
50 Quant voi la rose Eius in oriente yes   Ba, Mo 
100 Quant li noviaus tans repere Surge et illumina[re] no   F, D, W2 
118 Au commencement d'esté Hec dies yes   Cl, Mo, N, R, W2 
126 Quant voi revenir Hec dies no   Cl, Mo 
136 Du tans Pascor Domino no   Mo 
137 Quant florissent Domino no   Mo; X (as trouvère song by Robert de Rains) 
170 Quant yvrer la bise In seculum   no Mo 
177 Chant d'oiseaus In seculum yes   Cl, Mo 
207 Quant se depart In seculum   no Mo 
235 Quant voi le douz [Immo] Latus no   Cl, Mo, W2; K, N (trouv.), X, P (as song by Robert de Rains) 
253 Au douc tans seri Et tenuerunt no   N, R 
281b Quant chantent Portare no   Cl 
293 Quant li douz tans Portare   no Mo, Tu 
311 Li noviaus tens [Captivitatem] yes   Mo 
323 Quant florist Et gaudebit yes   Ba, Mo 
342 Quant voi yver Hodie perlustravit   no Mo 
356 Quant se depart Docebit   no Mo 
358 Encontre le nouvel Docebit yes   MüA (StV
418 Quant voi la rose [Vir] Go no   W2 
427 Li dous chans Virgo no   N 
496 Encontre le tans pascour In odorem no   Mo, W2 
506 Au douz tens [Et] sperabit yes   W2 
521 Le premier jour Iustus germinabit no   Cl, Mo, N, W2 
535 Quant froidure trait a fin Agmina yes   Cl, W2 
593 Li dous termines m'agrée Balaam yes   Mo, N, R 
601 Au renouveler Ecce no   Mo, Tu 
637 Quant naist la flour Tamquam yes   Cl, Mo, W2 
650 Quant revient Flos filius eius yes   Cl, Mo, N, R, W2 
661 Quant define Flos filius eius   yes Cl, Mo, W2 
662 Quant repaire Flos filius eius no   Cl, Mo, W2 
663 En may, que rose est Flos filius eius yes   Cl, Mo, W2, LoC 
687 Flor ne verdor Eius no   Mo 
712 Quant voi l'erbe Cumque yes   Mo 
715 Lis ne glay Amat no   Bes, Mo, Tu 
721 Quant voi la florete Aptatur yes   Mo, PsAr, Ba 
781 Encontre le mois Neuma yes   Mo 
827 Quant voi l'alouete Hodie yes   Mo 
864 Quant che vient Chose Loyset yes   Mo 
891 Quant la saisons Qui bien aime yes   Tu 
1139c Quant li tens se rassoage none no   FlorMel, PaMel I, PaMel II 
1139d La douce verdure none yes   FlorMel, PaMel I, PaMel II 
Motet numberIncipitTenorSpringtimeAlignedWintertimeAlignedSources
50 Quant voi la rose Eius in oriente yes   Ba, Mo 
100 Quant li noviaus tans repere Surge et illumina[re] no   F, D, W2 
118 Au commencement d'esté Hec dies yes   Cl, Mo, N, R, W2 
126 Quant voi revenir Hec dies no   Cl, Mo 
136 Du tans Pascor Domino no   Mo 
137 Quant florissent Domino no   Mo; X (as trouvère song by Robert de Rains) 
170 Quant yvrer la bise In seculum   no Mo 
177 Chant d'oiseaus In seculum yes   Cl, Mo 
207 Quant se depart In seculum   no Mo 
235 Quant voi le douz [Immo] Latus no   Cl, Mo, W2; K, N (trouv.), X, P (as song by Robert de Rains) 
253 Au douc tans seri Et tenuerunt no   N, R 
281b Quant chantent Portare no   Cl 
293 Quant li douz tans Portare   no Mo, Tu 
311 Li noviaus tens [Captivitatem] yes   Mo 
323 Quant florist Et gaudebit yes   Ba, Mo 
342 Quant voi yver Hodie perlustravit   no Mo 
356 Quant se depart Docebit   no Mo 
358 Encontre le nouvel Docebit yes   MüA (StV
418 Quant voi la rose [Vir] Go no   W2 
427 Li dous chans Virgo no   N 
496 Encontre le tans pascour In odorem no   Mo, W2 
506 Au douz tens [Et] sperabit yes   W2 
521 Le premier jour Iustus germinabit no   Cl, Mo, N, W2 
535 Quant froidure trait a fin Agmina yes   Cl, W2 
593 Li dous termines m'agrée Balaam yes   Mo, N, R 
601 Au renouveler Ecce no   Mo, Tu 
637 Quant naist la flour Tamquam yes   Cl, Mo, W2 
650 Quant revient Flos filius eius yes   Cl, Mo, N, R, W2 
661 Quant define Flos filius eius   yes Cl, Mo, W2 
662 Quant repaire Flos filius eius no   Cl, Mo, W2 
663 En may, que rose est Flos filius eius yes   Cl, Mo, W2, LoC 
687 Flor ne verdor Eius no   Mo 
712 Quant voi l'erbe Cumque yes   Mo 
715 Lis ne glay Amat no   Bes, Mo, Tu 
721 Quant voi la florete Aptatur yes   Mo, PsAr, Ba 
781 Encontre le mois Neuma yes   Mo 
827 Quant voi l'alouete Hodie yes   Mo 
864 Quant che vient Chose Loyset yes   Mo 
891 Quant la saisons Qui bien aime yes   Tu 
1139c Quant li tens se rassoage none no   FlorMel, PaMel I, PaMel II 
1139d La douce verdure none yes   FlorMel, PaMel I, PaMel II 

Although he does not explore the way motet composers borrowed nature imagery from trouvère song, David J. Rothenberg nonetheless places springtime at the forefront of his important work on the vernacular motet. Rothenberg has shown that many motets built on tenors drawn from the Eastertide liturgy harmonize the themes of secular love lyric, with its frequent mention of springtime, and the liturgy of Easter, arguing that, for medieval people, spring and Eastertide were virtually inseparable: “The earthly vibrancy of the vernal season did more than provide a vocabulary of images common to both secular springtime song and sacred paschal devotion; it symbolized a profound theological connection between the two.”154 It is thus unsurprising to see that just over a third of the motet voices in Table 4 (fifteen in total) coordinate the springtime opening with tenors from Eastertide. The clerical composers of the repertoire clearly celebrated the resonance between the liturgy and nature imagery derived from trouvère song.

In its original context in the songs of the trouvères, the springtime opening also presented a model of song production. How did motet composers respond to the themes of inspiration and composition central to the Natureingang? Whereas we have seen that the songs of the aristocratic trouvères generally aligned springtime, love, and song, the three are aligned far less often in the motets featured in Table 4. In thirty-five of the forty-one motet voices, the overwhelming majority, the composer uses the springtime opening. Slightly more than half (nineteen of the thirty-five voices) express a harmonious relationship between nature, love, and song composition. This is a dramatically smaller proportion than is found in the songs of, for example, Gace Brulé, where springtime aligns with love and composition 75 percent of the time, or in the songs of Raoul de Soissons and Philippe de Rémi, for whom the springtime opening always prompts feelings of love or song (see Table 2). Interestingly, it is the wintertime opening that more consistently leads to song composition in the motet repertoire. In all but one of the six wintertime motet voices in Table 4, the singers claim to compose songs or motets in spite of the wintry landscape in which they find themselves. (The exception, (M 661) “Quant define la verdour,” will be discussed further below.)

Examination of the way these voices are inflected by the other parts with which they are set polyphonically further reveals that motet composers were inclined to distance themselves from the compositional model idealized in the Natureingang. Like the cleric-trouvères discussed above, motet composers had a strong tendency to invert or ironize the springtime topos as they intertwined it polyphonically with other motet texts. For example, it is not unusual for voices in which the springtime opening prompts love and song to be paired with others in which it does not. In the triplum voice of (M 311) “Li noviaus tens” / (M 312) “Onques ne fui repentanz” / “[Captivitatem],” the speaker uses a conventional springtime opening, but this is set against a motetus voice in which the speaker declares that he can serve Love in every season (“Onques ne fui repentanz / d'Amors server en tous tans”).155 Such pairings can be seen to humorously undercut nature's capacity to inspire song. Another way in which motet composers undermine the Natureingang is by beginning with a seasonal opening only to later emphasize that it is the god of love who commands them to sing, not the fine weather. One such example is (M 715) “Lis ne glay,” a motet voice in which the speaker provides an exhaustive list of springtime's delights but indicates that their charms are not what inspires him to compose. Rather, his imprisonment by Amors is the sole motivator.156 There are three additional motet voices in which the speaker invokes the springtime opening but attributes his musical inspiration to Amors rather than immersion in nature.157 

In eight of the motet voices that use the springtime opening, the model of composition at its heart simply fails: the speaker does not produce a song even though the landscape is prompting him to. In (M 136) “Du tans Pascor,” the subject self-consciously invokes the springtime opening but explains that his own sorrow remains with him regardless of the season:

   Du tans Pascor 
   meinent joie et baudor 
   tuit li pluisor, 
   qui chantent pour la verdor, 
  pour la flor. 
   Et je, qui souspir et plor, 
   quant sui a dolour, 
   qui me dure 
   par froidure 
10   et par chalour.158  

At Eastertide, / most all those / who sing because of the greenness / and the flowers / lead a life of joy and happiness. / And I sigh and cry / when I feel the sorrow / that remains with me / in cold weather / and warm.159 

The subject of this lyric expresses awareness of the conventional effect of the springtime topos on others and laments its ineffectiveness for him. The rhyme words in the first five verses highlight the unity between springtime, pleasure, and song production for other singers (“Pascor,” “baudor,” “pluisor,” “verdor,” “flor”). The first-person subject does not appear until verses 6–7, where the singer adopts the rhyme of the preceding verses in order to describe tears and sorrow (“plor”/“dolour”), rather than the pleasure and creativity that others experience in spring.

In general, the feelings toward nature expressed in these motet voices would seem to be marked by indifference, parody, or even playful derision. The polyphonic musical fabric of the motet, with its multiple voices and its combination of song-like upper voices and liturgical tenors, allowed composers to add additional layers of interpretation and commentary to its materials. While space will not permit an exploration of the way each of the motet voices listed in Table 4 is inflected by the polyphonic textures in which it is embedded, the following section presents two case studies that exemplify some of the ways in which composers played with, critiqued, and commented on the springtime topos of the trouvères.

Nature, Love, and Song in the Motet: Two Case Studies

The motet (M 661) “Quant define” / (M 662) “Quant repaire” / (O 16) “Flos filius eius” pairs two upper voices that use the springtime opening with one of the genre's most popular tenors, drawn from the Feast of the Assumption.160 Although the Feast of the Assumption occurs during the summer rather than in the springtime, the seasonal associations of warmth, birdsong, and flowering vegetation are relevant to both the tenor and the upper voices. A complete edition of this motet appears in Example 2.161 

Example 2
Example 2

Example 2

Example 2

(M 661) “Quant define” / (M 662) “Quant repaire” / (O 16) “Flos filius eius,” with an excerpt from a recorded performance by Sator Musicae, cond. Roberto Meo, from Musicalis scientia: Il canto goliardico nel medioevo, Tactus, 1987, track 8 (1:05–2:10)

Rothenberg has offered a meticulous discussion of the liturgy of the Assumption and the motets that engage with its themes through tenors drawn from this liturgy.162 The “Flos filius eius” tenor is drawn from a Parisian source chant for the First Vespers for the Feast of the Assumption.163 Rothenberg shows that the antiphons for this Vespers service incorporate passages of the love dialogue between the sponsus and sponsa in the Song of Songs to present the story of Mary's Assumption as an allegorical dialogue between the Virgin and Christ, whom Mary will join in heaven.164 These passages discuss the passing of winter and rain and the appearance of fragrant blossoms and describe the Virgin as surrounded by the fragrance of blooming flowers.165 The source chant, “Styrps Jesse,” references the prophecy of Isaiah: “R. Styrps Iesse virgam produxit virgaque florem. Et super hunc florem requiescit spiritus almus. V. Virgo Dei genitrix virga est, flos filius eius” (R. The stalk of Jesse produced a branch and the branch a flower; and upon this flower rested the nourishing spirit. V. The Virgin mother of God is the branch, the flower her son).166 As Rothenberg explains, a Parisian cleric would have been familiar with the way the “Styrps Jesse” responsory added a Christological dimension to the floral imagery of the Assumption Vespers antiphons: “he would have equated the flowers from the Song of Songs that surround Mary as she ascends in antiphon 3 with the flower that is her Son (flos filius eius) in the responsory.”167 

Sylvia Huot has put forth an elegant interpretation of (M 661) “Quant define” / (M 662) “Quant repaire” / (O 16) “Flos filius eius” in which the upper voices, with their references to both the spring and winter seasons, enact the earthly cycle of birth and death. The tenor, with its invocation of the tree of Jesse and its promise of eternal life through Christ, offers a spiritual alternative to this never-ending cycle.168 The liturgical associations of the flowers illustrated by Huot and Rothenberg are compelling; it seems undeniable that clerical singers and audiences would have had them in mind while approaching this piece. Yet it is also possible to interpret this motet as one of many in which the sacred imagery of the tenor is secularized through the polyphonic setting.169 The image of the flowering branch in the tenor, for example, might be recast in the triplum and motetus through the springtime opening, where both texts open with references to leaves and flowers in verse 2. The word “flour/flor,” a vernacular trope of the tenor's first word, “flos,” is placed in the rhyme position and sung simultaneously in the two upper voices in the second half of measure 3. How might our understanding of this piece be further inflected by the poetic context of the springtime opening invoked in the upper voices, particularly the causal relationship between immersion in nature and the act of composition?

Closer examination of the musical setting encourages a critique focused on the springtime opening and its model of vernacular song composition. Together, the upper voices of this motet record different responses to the way in which the springtime opening conflates nature, love, and singing. The triplum features a wintertime opening in which the subject describes the coming of winter, the death of spring's leaves and flowers, and the absence or near departure of the birds. In (M 661) “Quant define la verdour,” this opening leads to the singing subject's confession that he can no longer love:

   Quant define la verdour, 
   que muert la fuelle et la flour 
   et cil pré et cil boscage 
   font as oisiaus grant tristour, 
  qui'l ne font point de sejour, 
   lors ne me vient en corage 
   de servir en nul eage 
   bon amour. 
   Por sa baudour 
10   ne nuit ne jour 
   ne puis penser. 
   Qui m'a doné 
   Diex! qui m'a doné 
   cors pensent et cuer amer?170  

When the verdure fades, / when leaf and flower die / and meadow and copse / make the birds so sorrowful / that they no longer remain, / then have I no heart / ever to serve / good love again. / Nor night nor day / can I think, / of love's happiness. / Who has given me, / God! who has given me / a pensive body and a bitter heart?171 

In the triplum, the subject is unable to continue his love service, uninspired as he is by the dormancy of the landscape. Unlike lovers who faithfully serve the god of love, his sleep is undisturbed by thoughts of love and he holds bitterness rather than love in his heart.172 The pun on the word “amer,” which can mean both “bitter” and “to love,” is underscored by its simultaneous declamation by the two voices at the motet's final cadence, where the latter meaning is operative in the motetus part. Wintertime openings like this one reinforce the poetic efficacy of the springtime topos through parallelism, demonstrating that the absence of birdsong and greenery in the landscape are an impediment to both love and song production.

The motetus text (M 662) playfully inverts the conventions of the springtime opening. This text begins with the conventional description of the return of flowers and birdsong in a spring landscape. An unexpected shift in the function of the topos occurs in verse 5, when the subject professes his sorrow, and in the text's remaining verses he expresses his frustration over his many years of unrewarded love service:

   Quant repaire la douçor, 
   que pert la fuelle et la flor 
   et par pré et par boscage 
   font li oisiau grant baudour, 
  mon cuer est en grant tristor 
   et moi vient en mon courage, 
   car j'ai mis tout mon aage 
   en fine amor 
   sans nul retor. 
10   Et nuit et jor 
   m'estuet penser, 
   qu'ai je doné 
   Diex! qu'ai je doné 
   cuer et cors por bien amer!173  

When the mild weather returns, / when leaf and flower open / and birds express their joy / in meadow and copse, / then my heart sorrows / and I begin to feel / that I have given all my years / to tender love / without any return. / And night and day / I have to think, / for I have given, / God! for I have given / my heart and body to love!174 

After the initial description of nature, it is clear that the lover is experiencing the same difficulties that plague the subject of the triplum. In the musical setting, this sudden shift away from the expected outcome of the springtime topos in the motetus voice seems to be motivated by the combination of this text with that of the triplum. The verse preceding the poet's first reference to his feelings refers to the birds' expression of their joy, “font li oisiau grant baudour.” This verse is sung simultaneously with the triplum's description of the birds' sorrow: “font as oisiaus grant tristour.” This shared rhyme is amplified musically: “baudour” and “tristour” sound together in creating the harmonious interval of an open fifth (boxed in measure 6 of Example 2). The musical correspondence is a signal that despite the opposition between the wintertime and springtime topos found at the beginning of the two texts, the two singers find themselves in the same predicament.

Indeed, this motet is structured around the play between difference and agreement.175 The two texts have the same poetic form: aabaabbaaacddc. Most of the verses are punctuated by rests in both the triplum and the motetus (verses 1, 2, 4, 5, 8, 9, 10, and 11, seen in Example 2). In contrast to the typical overlapping phrase structures seen in most motets,176 this motet is written in conductus style, such that the ends of verses in the triplum and motetus are also coordinated with rests in the tenor following verses 2, 5, 8, 9, 10, and 11 (marked with downward arrows in Example 2). The conductus-style setting of the motet draws attention to the formal correspondence between the triplum and motetus, as well as to their many shared rhyme words.177 Indeed, the texts share a substantial amount of verbal content, as marked by boldface in Table 5.178 

Table 5

The texts of “Quant define la verdour” and “Quant repaire la douçor,” showing shared verbal content

 Quant define la verdour, Quant repaire la douçor, 
 que muert la fuelle et la flour que pert la fuelle et la flor 
 et cil pré et cil boscage et par pré et par boscage 
 font as oisiaus grant tristour, font li oisiau grant baudour
qui'l ne font point de sejour, mon cuer est en grant tristor 
 lors ne me vient en corage et moi vient en mon courage
 de servir en nul eage car j'ai mis tout mon aage 
 bon amouren fine amor 
 Por sa baudour sans nul retor. 
10 ne nuit ne jour Et nuit et jor 
 ne puis penserm'estuet penser
 Qui m'a doné qu'ai je doné 
 Diex!qui m'adoné Diex!qu'ai jedoné 
 corspensent etcuer amer? cueretcorspor bienamer! 
 Quant define la verdour, Quant repaire la douçor, 
 que muert la fuelle et la flour que pert la fuelle et la flor 
 et cil pré et cil boscage et par pré et par boscage 
 font as oisiaus grant tristour, font li oisiau grant baudour
qui'l ne font point de sejour, mon cuer est en grant tristor 
 lors ne me vient en corage et moi vient en mon courage
 de servir en nul eage car j'ai mis tout mon aage 
 bon amouren fine amor 
 Por sa baudour sans nul retor. 
10 ne nuit ne jour Et nuit et jor 
 ne puis penserm'estuet penser
 Qui m'a doné qu'ai je doné 
 Diex!qui m'adoné Diex!qu'ai jedoné 
 corspensent etcuer amer? cueretcorspor bienamer! 

It is striking that this shared verbal content often coincides with opposed meaning, as in verse 4, discussed above.179 In addition to the opposition between the birds, who simultaneously express sadness and happiness, the triplum subject declares that he has no heart for serving good love (verses 6–8) as the motetus begins to complain that his love service has proved unfruitful (verses 7–9). Moreover, just as the triplum declares his inability to think of love's happiness either night or day (verses 9–11), the motetus explains that throughout the night and day he contemplates his regret at having expended his energies in loving (verses 10–14). While the composer of this motet clearly delighted in placing verses expressing opposed meanings against each other, he also chose to set these oppositional texts in conspicuously harmonious ways. In addition to the cadence on “tristour”/“baudour” discussed above, the opposition between the mental activities of the two poets described from verse 9/10 is set in a striking passage of rhythmic and melodic sequences in each of the two voices, which lasts for a full three measures beginning in measure 12 (boxed in Example 2).180 The musical repetition attracts the ear, as do the conspicuous homophony and abundant shared text. Although the motet is polytextual, passages such as this one sound more like a polyphonic song than a motet.

The musical setting of this motet plays self-consciously with both the congruence and the differences between the situations posed by each of the upper voices. In the opening five verses, the motet composer juxtaposes the springtime and wintertime opening, collapsing the opposed seasons into aural sameness through the shared phrase endings and rhyme sounds. Suzannah Clark imagines an “ecological listener” attending to this motet, and notes that such a listener “must conjure up in his or her mind's eye and inner ear different land- and soundscapes.”181 In the middle third of the motet, the paradoxical nature of this aural sameness is resolved when the springtime opening of the motetus voice does not inspire the speaker to love or sing; instead, it leads him to echo the despondency voiced by the triplum. The closing declarations of the two lovers are once again unified, yet through their unity the motet composer undermines the springtime topos. The final two verses combine the triplum speaker's admission that his heart is bitter with the motetus's protestation that he has served love well. Although these statements would seem to be opposed, their coincidence at the motet's close underscores rhetorically the failure of nature to help the speakers generate song.

Musically, there are further ironies and reversals lurking in this motet's ending. The final verses of the motet have been classified as a refrain, a short segment of music and poetry quoted from some other source, such as a song, a romance, or another motet.182 In this case, no other context for these verses has come to light, yet there are reasons to suspect that they could have been quoted from some other source, now lost. Certain unusual features of the tenor support this notion. The motet uses two tenor statements. Thirteenth-century motets generally maintain a regular rhythmic pattern across repetitions of the tenor melody. But the second statement of this motet tenor, which begins at measure 8, is not a straightforward repetition of the first statement's rhythm and pitches. Although both statements use the same rhythmic mode (mode 1), the composer changes the longa groupings at the second statement, creating a new rhythmic pattern.183 Further, toward the end of the second tenor statement, the composer departs from the pitches of the first statement, shifting abruptly to a pitch sequence found earlier in the chant (mm. 15–19).184 There are three additional motet tenors in Mo that shift abruptly to the choral portions of their chants in this way, and in all three cases this occurs when the tenor accompanies refrains that survive in other contexts.185 

An exact repetition of the pitches of the first tenor statement would have caused considerable dissonance with the melodies in the upper voices in the motet's closing measures. Example 3 provides a reconstruction of these measures in which the triplum and motetus voices are combined with pitches 19–30 of the first tenor statement. The resulting accented dissonances are marked with downward arrows. It seems at least possible that the motet composer moved to the choral section of the chant at the motet's close to better accommodate the melody of a quoted refrain in either the triplum or the motetus part. In the final “refrain,” as in so much of this motet, the two voices share most of the words, indicating that if the verses had an external source, it was quoted directly in one of the two upper voices and then imitated in altered fashion in the other. While it is tempting to speculate on the basis of stylistic analysis which verse may have been quoted, it cannot be determined with any certainty. In any case, the closing gesture would add a final irony to the piece, ending a motet in which neither voice is inspired to sing in response to the landscape with a snippet of quoted song, perhaps drawn from a song written by a different trouvère or motet composer who had indeed been so inspired.

Example 3

Example 3

Reconstruction of (M 661) “Quant define” / (M 662) “Quant repaire” / (O 16) “Flos filius eius,” mm. 15–19, using exact tenor pitch repetition

The composer's harmonious juxtaposition of descriptions of spring and winter, his musical demonstration of the points of congruence between two different realizations of the seasonal topos, and his ironizing gesture in the final “refrain” all work to playfully undermine the function of the springtime opening, which is meant to inspire the poet to sing in response. Moreover, the interpretation of the topos that this motet composer puts forth is explicitly musical in nature. In each case, his insights are revealed in ways that depend on either the contrapuntal fabric of the polyphonic motet or on the melodic materials themselves. The use of techniques specific to polyphony underscores differences between the measured, artful craft of polyphonic motet composition and the spontaneous model of composition central to the rhetoric of the springtime opening. Both of the upper two voices of the motet have given up on love service; neither produces a song in response to the landscape. Yet the motet composer succeeds in producing a polyphonic song by juxtaposing these two voices, and he sings through both of them by placing a “refrain,” or quoted song, in their mouths at the motet's close. The piece is a demonstration of the motet composer's independence from the model of composition that the springtime opening posits for the trouvères. Whether rhetorical or real, the spontaneous model of inspiration and composition contrived in the springtime openings of the trouvères is replaced with something very different. In its place, we find a motet composer who artfully combines multiple representations of an experience in the environment, uniting them with other snippets of song and plainchant in order to create a polyphonic setting.

Another motet that explores the relationship between springtime, love, and song is (M 207) “Quant se depart” / (M 208) “Hé, cuer joli!” / (M 13) “In seculum,” reproduced in Example 4.186 The motet's ubiquitous tenor, “In seculum,” was drawn from the verse of the gradual “Haec dies,” a chant sung as part of the Parisian Easter liturgy.187 This Easter tenor “became an emblem of an entire season,” such that hearing it would have immediately brought to mind the sacred symbolism of the spring season.188 Many motets on “In seculum” tenors presented spring blossoms as symbols of Christ's Resurrection and the salvation it represented; motets combining the nature imagery of pastourelles recast Marion and Robin as Mary and her son, the figurative shepherd of the church.189 The power and pervasiveness of these associations across the motet repertoire are what allow the composer of (M 207) “Quant se depart” / (M 208) “Hé, cuer joli!” / (M 13) “In seculum” to offer what seems to be a parody of the vernal expectations prompted by the tenor in the triplum voice:

   Quant se depart li jolis tans, 
   que froidure revient, 
   qu'oisel laissent leur chant, 
   adonc me vient 
  si grant talent 
   de chanter, que faire un chant 
   me couvient, 
   quant de ma dame me souvient, 
   qui mon cuer en joie tient. 
10   Ja de li ne partirai, 
   ains la servirai et serai 
   pour li jolis, tant com je vivrai; 
   car j'ai si tres grant deduit, 
   quant j'i pens jour et nuit, 
15   que de tant me puis je bien vanter, 
   que trop tart commenchai a amer. 

When the fine season takes its leave, / when the cold returns, / when the birds leave off their singing, / there then comes to me / such great desire / to sing, that compose a song / I must, / when I think of the lady / who keeps my heart joyful. / I will never leave her, / rather, will I serve her and be / joyful on her account as long as I live; / for I have such pleasure, / when I think of her day and night, / that I can indeed boast / that I began to love too late.190 

Example 4

Example 4

(M 207) “Quant se depart” / (M 208) “Hé, cuer joli!” / (M 13) “In seculum”

The triplum is set in the opposite season to that of the liturgical tenor, employing the wintertime opening. Unlike “Quant define la verdour,” discussed above, where the subject is despondent, uninspired by winter's chill and the absence of birdsong, in “Quant se depart li jolis tans” it is explicitly the departure of the fine season, not its arrival, that inspires the subject to sing. Indeed, the singer proves to be a happy warrior in Love's army, pledging his loyalty to his lady and his willingness to serve her. The triplum's final verse even seems to make reference to the springtime topos and the relationship it forges between love, song, and the sensations of the season, as the poet notes that he began to love too late, perhaps referring to the fact that it is late in the year. The triplum thus plays against the liturgical reference point of the tenor as well as the rhetoric of the springtime opening.

In the motetus, we find a female singing subject pining for her absent lover and fretful about the time of his return. This text largely consists of a series of exclamations and questions strung together into one long, anxious utterance; it ends with her imagined last words, which form a refrain-like song beginning with a series of vocables and continuing with a reproach to her lover for his absence:

   Hé, cuer joli! 
   Trop m'avés laissié en dolour, 
   dont ja n'istrai a nul jour, 
   bien sai; hé Dieus, 
  dusqu'adonc que je vous ravrai? 
   Trop sui marie 
   de vou compaignie, 
   que je n'ai; 
   biaus sire Dieus, 
10   quant vous verrai? 
   Trop m'est tart, 
   que je vous revoie, 
   se Dieus me gart! 
   Jesus vous ramaint 
15   et si saint 
   [o]u je morrai a ce mot: 
   E, e, o, 
   biaus dous amis, 
   ore demorés vous trop! 

Oh, gay heart! / You left me in such sorrow, / I will never come out of it, / I know it well; oh God, / how long before I see you again? / I am terribly grieved / to be without / your companionship; / fair lord God, / when will I see you? / It is too long for me before / I see you again, / so help me, God! / May Jesus keep you, / and his saints, / or I will die with this word: / E, e, o, / fair sweetheart, / you have stayed away too long.191 

It was likely the exclamatory, repetitive nature of this text that led Friedrich Gennrich to wonder whether the motetus voice might be a refrain-cento, a motet voice formed entirely of refrains.192 The final two verses bear a strong resemblance to refrain 220, “Biaus doz amis, por quoi demorés tant?,” which also appears at the end of a different motet voice, (M 28) “Pour moi deduire.” In that motet, the refrain is also presented as a speech act sung by a pastourelle who reproaches her lover for staying away. It is possible, then, that the use of the refrain by one of the two motet composers was an intentional reference to its use by the other.193 Whereas the triplum's desire is so powerful that he is content to sing in spite of the barrenness of the winter landscape, the motetus voice is compelled to exaggerated, anxious vocal outbursts lamenting her lover's absence.

Since this motet deals with a model of composition central to trouvère song, it is fitting that the musical setting should emphasize the speech acts, exclamations, and references to singing in both texts. Indeed, the triplum subject's declaration that the winter season inspires him to sing, “adonc me vient / si grant talent / de chanter” (verses 4–6), is set using a conspicuously musical device, a hocket in which all three voices participate (boxed in measures 9–13 of Example 4).194 A hocket is a medieval compositional procedure characterized by “the dovetailing of sounds and silences produced by the staggered arrangement of rests between the voices.”195 The writings of medieval theologians, as well as the statutes of monastic orders such as the Cistercians and Carthusians, associated hocketing with improper singing, whether on account of its lack of sobriety, its tendency to obscure verbal meaning, or its feminizing effects.196 Other medieval observers described hockets as “making sighs” or decried their potential—particularly when they split a word in two—to convert meaningful speech into inarticulate cries.197 Hockets were thus generally associated with performative exuberance and excessive vocal expression, associations that are relevant in this particular case. The hocket ensures that the triplum's description of his great desire to sing is interwoven with the motetus's outburst “hé Dieus.” Although this particular passage is not found in any other songs or motets, the cry “hé Dieus” initiates no fewer than eight refrains and three lyric interpolations.198 

In this motet, the hocket stages the act of singing. Involving, as it does, the triplum, motetus, and tenor, the hocket binds the three motet voices together at a textual moment in which the desire to sing is foregrounded. The sudden interlacing of the motet's two texts does not yield a verbally meaningful composite text; the combined voices at this moment declaim a nonsensical string of words: “sai si hé grant Dieus talent.” Rather, the function of the hocket is to transcend, if only briefly, the general contrapuntal fabric of the motet in order to enact a moment of musical performance that dramatizes the desire to sing expressed in the triplum part. Moreover, there is a second striking hocket in this motet, and it coincides with a conspicuous speech act—the motetus subject's imagined final words in verse 17 (boxed in measures 40–41 in Example 4). This imaginary speech act is written as a series of vocables (“E, e, o”), and is set in another hocket involving all three voice parts.199 

This motet playfully inverts the springtime topos while simultaneously presenting a vivid dramatization of acts of singing in its polyphonic setting. Through the hockets, the motet composer draws attention to his own ability to create a different kind of song through a different process from that described by the triplum lyric. A polyphonic hocket that involves three voice parts is a fundamentally contrapuntal musical device that would need to be worked out in advance. In his interpretation of a description of hockets found in the treatise of the Saint Emmeram anonymous, Sean Curran notes, “The hocket's fragmentation is only superficial, for it is achieved by a deep integration of parts possible only when musical time is measured.”200 Employing hockets in this context takes the motet out of the present-tense, spontaneous mode of inspired singing invoked in the rhetoric of the triplum lyric and highlights its presence in an artful, carefully planned, contrapuntal musical environment.

Both of the motets explored in this section feature the juxtaposition of seemingly contrary ideas, genres, or voices that is found in many thirteenth-century motets.201 But what do these case studies reveal about the way motet composers responded to the Natureingang? In both pieces, the encounter with nature described in the springtime opening filters down to the reader or listener thirdhand, overshadowed by the perspective of a composer who artfully combines Latin and vernacular texts and melodies. Both composers reject the opening as a compositional model, displaying, whether through refrain quotation or hocketing, their skill at manipulating musical materials into a polyphonic framework. By combining and recombining images of an encounter with nature, these composers simultaneously undermine the notion that the springtime opening records an immediate, sensory experience in nature, while elevating the cleric's skill in counterpoint. Their treatment of nature imagery is thus marked by a distanced, critical stance, a perspective they share with the urban cleric-trouvères, who either avoided the formulation altogether or undermined it.

Conclusions: Nature and Culture in Times of Crisis

In the songs and motets of the thirteenth century, the correlation between the use of nature imagery and the status and geographical context of the composer who invoked it was strong. Aristocratic trouvères, whose position (at least in principle) ensured leisurely and pleasurable access to the grounds of expansive estates, used the springtime topos conventionally in ways that emphasized harmony between the singing subject, the environment, and the production of song. The cleric-trouvères, whose milieu was decidedly urban, chose either not to use the springtime opening at all or to ironize it, undermining the notion that immersion in nature was a key motivator for song composition. The evidence from the repertoire suggests that the springtime opening was not merely a rhetorical trope or a cliché. Rather, the identities these composers formulated through their songs were more likely shaped by their personal experiences in the landscapes of northern France.

Environmental historians encourage us to view the relationship between humans and the environment as interactive, not one-sided. Hoffmann argues that the human colonization of the natural world is fundamentally driven by cultural purposes: “natural processes are guided to operate for human ends set, it is vital to emphasize, by culture itself.”202 This process often has unintended consequences, and “[a]s culture responds—in no a priori way—to represented experience and as natural processes are themselves affected by human work, reciprocal change rolls through the interactive system. … Over time culture and nature co-adapt; they engage in co-evolution.”203 The songs I have explored suggest that the medieval environment strongly influenced the ways composers sang about nature. Yet these songs, as a component of culture, would likely also have motivated medieval people to manipulate the natural world around them in new ways. The grounds of medieval estates were built environments in which culture and nature were in constant dialogue.204 We have seen that the cultural demands of the aristocratic diet reshaped land use practices, prompting the transformation of forests and marshes into farmland. Similarly, medieval literature influenced the design of several aristocratic estates. The English gardens of Everswell and Tintagel were designed to mimic the nature imagery in passages of Tristan and Isolde.205 Tintagel's gardens even seem to have been conceived “as a stage set on which contemporary romance could be acted out.”206 The famous Park of Hesdin in Artois included a small stone tower at the center of a rose garden, representing the castle of Jealousy in the Roman de la rose.207 Coming full circle, Guillaume de Machaut was probably inspired by a visit to this park in 1335 to include it as an important setting in his Remede de Fortune.208 

One can only assume that Gace Brulé's songs, with their idealized image of the medieval estate, would have increased the cultural value that the aristocracy placed on landscape features such as tall forests and meadowland. Nature imagery from trouvère song may well have helped to fuel the burgeoning interest in pleasure gardens and parks, built environments designed specifically to provide opportunities for private enjoyment of plants, trees, and expansive views. These gardens and parks would have allowed others to have experiences akin to those described by the trouvères in songs featuring the springtime opening. There was a sharp increase in emparkment at the end of the thirteenth century.209 Indeed, the Park of Hesdin was constructed in the 1290s, around the same time as the compilation of a number of trouvère chansonniers in Arras. In a small-scale reversal of the cultural dynamics that led to the “extension of the arable,” the park's creator, Count Robert II of Artois, reclaimed portions of his fields and turned them back into marshland that he stocked with fish and waterfowl. Remarkably, he did this at a time of food shortage, when agricultural production in his county was failing to meet the demands of the expanding population.210 

Allen and Dawe note that our current environmental crises have been caused primarily by culture and socioeconomic systems. As such, the solutions to these crises will be beyond the reach of science—they must be driven from the realm of culture.211 This could take any number of forms, including changes to built environments, to diets, and even to the ways in which we conceptualize our relationship to the environment through the arts. What lessons might this medieval example hold for us today? There are significant pitfalls in drawing parallels between the Middle Ages and the present. In 1980, Charles Bowlus influentially argued that the widespread famines that occurred throughout the fourteenth century were caused by transgressing the limits of the ecosystem, largely through dependence on cereal monocultures.212 His theory was a mainstay of popular environmental writing throughout the 1980s and 1990s, as a parable of the unintended consequences of human overreach. Yet subsequent research by historians has largely dispelled the notion that the agricultural crises of the fourteenth century had exclusively anthropogenic causes.213 The more nuanced narrative that later emerged pointed to autonomous natural causes (especially those associated with the end of the Medieval Climate Anomaly and its favorable atmospheric conditions), whose impact was compounded by changes to ecological systems during the preceding centuries.214 

The most pressing crises faced by humans today thus differ from those of fourteenth-century Europe in their widely accepted anthropogenic causes. But at the formidable risk of oversimplifying, it would be difficult not to see at least some points of resonance between current Western practices and the behaviors of the medieval northern French aristocracy. As their cultural habits prompted them to shift most of their land holdings to arable, the aristocracy preserved, on a much smaller scale (and celebrated through song and narrative), ornamental versions of the ecosystems that they had dramatically reduced. Today, globally, many people are already experiencing, as a consequence of climate change, the kinds of destabilized and unpredictable environmental conditions that Europeans experienced in the late Middle Ages. The medieval example should caution against the complacent impulse to seek refuge behind a garden wall, whether it physically or metaphorically surrounds a well-groomed neighborhood, a National Park, or a nation. It would suggest, too, the need for humility and self-awareness as we attempt to reshape cultural practices in the hope of confronting and addressing our looming environmental crises.

 

Notes

Notes
Preliminary versions of this article were presented at the University of Oklahoma Humanities Forum in 2016. I thank my cohort of fellows, Robert Bailey, Laurel Smith, Peter Soppelsa, Todd Stewart, Zev Trachtenberg, and our director, Janet Ward, for their questions, comments, and bibliographical suggestions. Portions of the article were also presented at the UCLA Department of Musicology Distinguished Lecture Series in 2016, and at the annual meeting of the American Musicological Society in Rochester, NY, November 2017. Research and revisions were conducted with the support of a University of Oklahoma Humanities Forum Grant (2016), as well as both a Summer Stipend (2014) and Fellowship (2016–17) awarded by the National Endowment for the Humanities. The argument took shape through conversations and correspondence with Aaron Allen, Joyce Coleman, Richard Keyser, and Eliza Zingesser. Allen and Keyser both read drafts and provided invaluable advice. I am also grateful to the anonymous reviewers at this Journal for their comments and suggestions. Throughout the article, trouvère songs will be identified using their number in Spanke, G. Raynauds Bibliographie; motets using their number in Gennrich, Bibliographie der ältesten französischen und lateinischen Motetten; and refrains using their number in Boogaard, Rondeaux et refrains. The manuscript sigla used for motet sources follow those used in Gennrich, Bibliographie der ältesten französischen und lateinischen Motetten; the sigla used for chansonniers follow Spanke, G. Raynauds Bibliographie.
1.
See Dragonetti, La technique poétique des trouvères, 166–67, and Scheludko, “Zur Geschichte des Natureinganges.”
2.
See Hult, Self-Fulfilling Prophecies, 210.
3.
See Zink, La pastourelle, 117–18. The pastourelle is sometimes characterized as a low-register inversion of the elevated, “courtly” love song. For a typological approach to the study of trouvère lyric genres, see Bec, La lyrique française. See also the convincing critique of notions of “high” and “low” style in trouvère song in Aubrey, “Reconsidering ‘High Style.’” On the representation of rape in the pastourelle, see Gravdal, “Camouflaging Rape”; Paden, “Rape in the Pastourelle”; Saltzstein, “Rape and Repentance”; and Vitz, “Rereading Rape in Medieval Literature.”
4.
See Smith, Medieval French Pastourelle Tradition, 19.
5.
See ibid., 20.
6.
Pastourelles tend to be set in an area characterized as remote from the castle but marked by evidence of cultivation, such as pastures, orchards, and roads; see ibid., 18–19.
7.
See Bradley, “Contrafacta and Transcribed Motets”; Haines, Eight Centuries of Troubadours; Haines, Medieval Song in Romance Languages; O'Neill, Courtly Love Songs; and Peraino, Giving Voice to Love.
8.
Curtius, European Literature, 183–92, echoed in Pearsall and Salter, Landscapes and Seasons, 50, and more recently in Hoffmann, Environmental History of Medieval Europe, 98–101.
9.
Dragonetti, La technique poétique des trouvères, 163: “la vérité de ces descriptions ne résulte pas d'une observation directe des choses de la nature, ni d'un sentiment subjectif, mais d'une conformité à un cliché, c'est-à-dire à un modèle littéraire éprouvé, dont l'écrivain reprend et s'approprie les images et le style.” Unless otherwise noted, translations are my own.
10.
Ibid., 186–90.
11.
Peraino, Giving Voice to Love, 16–17, here 17.
12.
See, for example, Glotfelty and Fromm, Ecocriticism Reader. For a survey of recent research in ecocriticism, see Zapf, Handbook of Ecocriticism. Aaron S. Allen argues that although the term “ecomusicology” is relatively new, its framework is nonetheless connected to older lines of inquiry in musicology: Allen, “Symphonic Pastorals Redux,” 188.
13.
Allen, “Ecomusicology: Ecocriticism and Musicology,” 392.
14.
See especially Morris, “Ecotopian Sounds.”
15.
See the essays in Allen et al., “Colloquy,” and Allen and Dawe, Current Directions in Ecomusicology; see also Toliver, “Eco-ing the Canyon.”
16.
Although not framed as ecocriticism, Leach's important work on the ontology and representation of birdsong in medieval music falls within the purview of ecomusicology: Leach, Sung Birds. Other studies of music written prior to 1800 that address themes important to ecomusicology (whether or not the term itself is invoked) include Allen, “‘Fatto di fiemme’”; Austern, “Nature, Culture, Myth”; Clark, “When Words Converge”; Clark and Rehding, Music Theory and the Natural Order; Gerbino, Music and the Myth of Arcadia; and Rothenberg, “Marian Symbolism of Spring.” See also the discussion in Allen, “Greening the Curriculum,” 95, 102–4.
17.
While extending my systematic analysis of the springtime topos to all of the major trouvère song genres would prove illuminating, the pastourelle and other song types lie outside the scope of this study.
18.
See Allen and Dawe, Current Directions in Ecomusicology, 9–10.
19.
See Soper, What Is Nature?, 115, and the useful overview of critical usage of the term “nature” in Rehding, “Review Article: Eco-Musicology,” 305–6.
20.
See Glacken, Traces on the Rhodian Shore, 171, 207.
21.
See Hoffmann, Environmental History of Medieval Europe, 5–10, here 10.
22.
See Baldwin, Paris, 1200, 25–28.
23.
See Campbell, Great Transition, 126, and Wickham, Medieval Europe, 130.
24.
Hoffmann, Environmental History of Medieval Europe, 229.
25.
See ibid., 231.
26.
See ibid.
27.
Campbell, Great Transition, 65; see also 34–38 and ch. 2. The MCA ended in the late thirteenth century. It was followed by a period of climatic crisis characterized by long winters, catastrophic weather events, and frequent crop failures and famines. By the mid-fifteenth century, the transition to the “Little Ice Age” was complete. See ibid., 53.
28.
See ibid., 118–19, and Wickham, Medieval Europe, 135.
29.
See Baldwin, Paris, 1200, 40.
30.
Duby, Rural Economy and Country Life, 84.
31.
See Hoffmann, Environmental History of Medieval Europe, 232.
32.
Duby, Rural Economy and Country Life, 144.
33.
For a detailed description of coppicing, see Rackham, “Medieval Countryside of England,” 15–21.
34.
Hoffmann, Environmental History of Medieval Europe, 186.
35.
Ibid., 188.
36.
See Keyser, “Transformation of Traditional Woodland Management,” 382.
37.
See ibid., 358.
38.
See Duby, Rural Economy and Country Life, 86.
39.
See Hoffmann, Environmental History of Medieval Europe, 159.
40.
Meat consumption was fundamental to aristocratic identity; see Pluskowski, “Predators in Robes.”
41.
See Creighton, Early European Castles, 124, and Creighton, Designs upon the Land, 100.
42.
See Colvin, “Royal Gardens in Medieval England,” 11.
43.
See Creighton, Early European Castles, 114–17.
44.
Ibid., 118. See also Hoffmann, Environmental History of Medieval Europe, 115.
45.
Creighton, Early European Castles, 119.
46.
See Creighton, Designs upon the Land, 7, 106–15, and Johnson, Behind the Castle Gate, 42.
47.
See Colvin, “Royal Gardens in Medieval England,” 11.
48.
See Rackham, “Medieval Countryside of England,” 22, and Short, “Forests and Wood-Pasture,” 149.
49.
See Keyser, “Transformation of Traditional Woodland Management,” 361, 377.
50.
See especially Creighton, Designs upon the Land, and Harvey, Mediaeval Gardens, 12–13, 78.
51.
See Woolgar, Senses in Late Medieval England, 126, and Rawcliffe, “‘Delectable Sightes and Fragrant Smelles,’” 9–10.
52.
See Rawcliffe, “‘Delectable Sightes and Fragrant Smelles,’” 11.
53.
On the compilation of the troubadour chansonniers, see Burgwinkle, “Chansonniers as Books,” and Galvez, Songbook, 1–16. For the trouvères, see O'Neill, Courtly Love Songs, 13–52.
54.
See Vale, Princely Court, 31. The management of aristocratic domains shifted significantly at the turn of the thirteenth century, when Philip Augustus replaced many of his baronial councillors (who had perished while on crusade) with clerical administrators; see Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, 101–36. During the fourteenth century, the trend accelerated to the point that clerics outnumbered knights at some courts; see Vale, Princely Court, 103.
55.
In spite of his ambitions to return to his studies at the University of Paris, Adam de la Halle likely ended his career at the Angevin court of Robert II in Naples; see Symes, Common Stage, 260–61.
56.
Rank is also consistently identified in the presentation of characters in narrative genres, as well as in legal and historical documents; see Kay, Subjectivity in Troubadour Poetry, 112.
57.
O'Neill, Courtly Love Songs, 18.
58.
On the organization of chansonniers by rank, see Huot, From Song to Book, 53–64. On the role of Thibaut in the chansonniers, see especially Peraino, Giving Voice to Love, ch. 3.
59.
The related chansonniers K, N (trouv.), and X each begin with an image of Thibaut seated, wearing his crown.
60.
See Huot, From Song to Book, 54–56.
61.
Chansonnier du Roi, 4r, http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b84192440/f27.image; and 6r, http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b84192440/f31.image.
62.
The dukes of Brabant were known for the quality of their hunting grounds; see Vale, Princely Court, 183.
63.
A summary of the surviving evidence relating to Adam's education appears in Saltzstein, The Refrain and the Rise of the Vernacular, 114–23.
64.
See Beer, Beasts of Love, 3.
65.
On the Miracles, see Hunt, Miraculous Rhymes, and Krause and Stones, Gautier de Coinci. On the chansons pieuses, see O'Sullivan, Marian Devotion, and Epstein, “Prions en chantant.”
66.
See Gennrich, “Simon d'Authie,” and Saltzstein, “Cleric-Trouvères and the jeux-partis,” 150–51.
67.
See Page, The Owl and the Nightingale, 144.
68.
On the population density of Paris, see above. Arras was located in the county of Artois in Flanders; Flanders and northern Italy were the most urbanized regions of medieval western Europe. Artois had an urbanization rate of 30 percent, and Arras had 35,000 inhabitants at its height; see, respectively, Campbell, Great Transition, 124, and Symes, Common Stage, 181.
69.
Arras, Médiathèque municipale, 657. The manuscript has been digitized and can be consulted at http://bvmm.irht.cnrs.fr/consult/consult.php?reproductionId=19136.
70.
For black and white facsimiles of these portraits, see Jeanroy, Le Chansonnier d'Arras, 131r, 133v, 136r (XXIV, XXVIII, XXXIII). The image of Simon d'Authie and Gilles le Vinier is discussed in Saltzstein, “Cleric-Trouvères and the jeux-partis,” 153–54, and Novikoff, Medieval Culture of Disputation, 152–53 (the image is reproduced on 154).
71.
In the miniatures that accompany pastourelles, knights are sometimes shown holding a falcon on their arm; see, for example, Aix-en-Provence, Bibliothèque Méjanes, Ms. 166, 1r–2r, http://toisondor.byu.edu/dscriptorium/aix166/index2.html. On the medieval tournament, see Oksanen, Flanders and the Anglo-Norman World, ch. 4.
72.
See Vale, Princely Court, 145–48.
73.
See Novikoff, Medieval Culture of Disputation, 143.
74.
While it may have provided relaxation, this field was also a frequent site of conflict between the university students and the monks of Saint-Germain-des-Prés, such tensions escalating into a murderous brawl in 1278; see Skoda, Medieval Violence, 156–57.
75.
The din of the medieval city was often emphasized discursively in medieval literature; see Fritz, La cloche et la lyre, 88–95.
76.
Kay, Subjectivity in Troubadour Poetry, 112.
77.
The most comprehensive review of the literature on subjectivity in troubadour and trouvère song is Peraino, Giving Voice to Love, 8–22.
78.
My approach need not prevent us from assuming that authors could occasionally adopt a persona in their songs that did not represent their own experiences.
79.
See Kay, Subjectivity in Troubadour Poetry, 2–6.
80.
Curtius, European Literature, 195.
81.
Ibid.
82.
See Gifford, “Pastoral, Anti-pastoral, Post-pastoral,” 18, and Pearsall and Salter, Landscapes and Seasons, 9.
83.
Curtius, European Literature, 184; see also Trabut-Cussac, “Itinéraire d'Édouard Ier en France.”
84.
For an overview of the significance of phenomenological thinking in ecocriticism, see Clark, “Phenomenology.”
85.
My interest in orality with regard to these songs is exclusively discursive. I am not concerned with the question of whether trouvère song was composed and transmitted orally or through writing, although most scholars believe it was accomplished by a mixture of the two. See, for example, O'Neill, Courtly Love Songs, and Van der Werf, Chansons of the Troubadours.
86.
See Rosenberg and Danon, Lyrics and Melodies of Gace Brulé, xiii.
87.
Chansonnier Cangé, 109v–110r. A digital reproduction may be viewed at https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b6000950p/f248.item. For a modern edition and translation of the lyric based on the text in the Chansonnier Cangé, see Rosenberg and Danon, Lyrics and Melodies of Gace Brulé, 42–43.
88.
Lyric modified from Rosenberg and Danon, Lyrics and Melodies of Gace Brulé, 42.
89.
Ibid., 43. All translations of Gace Brulé's lyrics will follow this edition.
90.
Michel Zink notes the orientation of the springtime opening at a moment of change: Zink, “Place of the Senses,” 96.
91.
Example 1 follows the Chansonnier Cangé, 109v. Modern editions of Gace's songs can be found in Rosenberg and Danon, Lyrics and Melodies of Gace Brulé.
92.
Gace wrote sixty-one songs in pedes cum cauda form. In twenty-nine of these, the cauda section extends the range upward by at least a third. In two others, the range of the cauda is at least a third lower than that of the pedes.
93.
Leach, Sung Birds, 91. On the nightingale's strong association with oral performance in medieval song and poetry, see ibid., 91–100. For a brilliant discussion of the curious temporality of “songs about singing” in the troubadour corpus, see Dillon, “Unwriting Medieval Song,” 599–606.
94.
Art historians have identified a similar split temporality in the viewing of landscape paintings; see Koerner, Caspar David Friedrich, 17–19.
95.
This was often the case in Renaissance landscape painting; see Wood, Albrecht Altdorfer, 49. Given that few if any firm dates may be attached to individual trouvère songs, it would be difficult for modern critics to discern an imitation from a model.
96.
Creighton, Designs upon the Land.
97.
RS 1754, RS 1893, RS 437, RS 1006, RS 550, RS 1690, and RS 787.
98.
Verses 3–4, from Rosenberg and Danon, Lyrics and Melodies of Gace Brulé, 80–81.
99.
Verses 1–2, from Rosenberg and Danon, Lyrics and Melodies of Gace Brulé, 52–53.
100.
See Hoffmann, Environmental History of Medieval Europe, 175.
101.
Dragonetti, La technique poétique, 172.
102.
On use rights in Flanders, see De Moor, “Common Land and Common Rights,” 117–21.
103.
In most cases, I have excluded songs that have conflicting manuscript attributions.
104.
In RS 2107, “Quant voi la glaie meüre,” springtime inspires the subject to sing; in RS 1978, “Quant je voi et fueille et flour,” winter prevents him from doing so.
105.
“La douce vois du rossignol salvage” (RS 40), “Li nouviaus tens et mais et violete” (RS 985 = 986), “Mout m'est bele la douce començance” (RS 209), and “Quant voi venir le dous tens” (RS 1982). There is an additional song possibly written by the Châtelain in which springtime is aligned with thoughts of love, “Comencement de douce saison” (RS 590). Some songbooks attribute this song to the Châtelain while others attribute it to Gautier d'Espinal.
106.
“Au comencier du tous tens qui repaire” (RS 176), “En icel tens que je voie la froidour” (RS 1989), “Je ne me doi plus” (RS 1472), “Quant la saisons s'est demise” (RS 1622), and “Quant li tens pert sa chalour” (RS 1969). For a detailed account of the manuscript transmission as well as the musical and poetic structure of Gautier de Dargies's songs, see O'Neill, Courtly Love Songs, 93–131.
107.
“Au comencier du tous tens” (RS 176) and “En icel tens” (RS 1989).
108.
The two wintertime openings are mixed in their effect, which is typical. In “Quant la saisons s'est demise” (RS 1622), Gautier is forced by the god of love to sing with a weeping heart in spite of the winter season. In “Quant li tens pert” (RS 1969), he describes the impact of the weather on the birds but says that his sorrow remains with him regardless of the season.
109.
“Quant voi iver departir” (RS 1395) and “Quant voi venir les tres dous tens” (RS 450). Philippe uses the wintertime opening in the first four verses of his song “Au tens que noif, pluie et gelee” (RS 515), but verse 5 was omitted in the only manuscript in which the song is transmitted (Paris, BnF, fr. 24406, 53r–v), rendering it impossible to be certain as to whether or not the opening is aligned with the poet's sentiment and actions.
110.
“Quant recomence et revient” (RS 930).
111.
“Quant foille vers et flors naist” (RS 256), “Quant l'aubespine florist” (RS 1647), and “Li tens d'estés” (RS 1912).
112.
“Quant la saisons dou dous tens se repaire” (RS 179) and “Quant la saisons est passee” (RS 536).
113.
The wintertime opening appears in “Quant ivers a tel poissance” (RS 243). Raoul uses the springtime topos in “Quant je voi les vergiers florir” (RS 1412) and “Quant li rossignols jolis” (RS 1559). The latter song is also attributed to the Châtelain de Couci, but Alain Lerond argues convincingly that the attribution to Raoul is accurate: Lerond, Chansons attribuées au Chastelain de Couci, 167. There is a third song attributed to Raoul that also uses the topos (RS 2036), but this song is also attributed to Gautier de Dargies and Gontier de Soignies.
114.
Text and translation from Brahney, Lyrics of Thibaut de Champagne, 10–11.
115.
“Por mal tens ne pour gelee” (RS 523) and “Pour froidure ne pour iver” (RS 1865).
116.
“Fueille ne flor ne vaut riens” (RS 324 = 329), text and translation from Brahney, Lyrics of Thibaut de Champagne, 138–39.
117.
I thank Joyce Coleman for sharing her thoughts on this image.
118.
From “Je ne puis pas bien” (RS 1800), stanza 2, verses 9–10, text and translation from Brahney, Lyrics of Thibaut de Champagne, 18–19.
119.
“Tout autresi con l'ente fet venir” (RS 1479), stanza 1, verses 1–4, text and translation from Brahney, Lyrics of Thibaut de Champagne, 96–97.
120.
See Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, 101–25.
121.
See ibid., 163–75.
122.
See Oksanen, Flanders and the Anglo-Norman World, 126.
123.
See Duby, “Transformation of the Aristocracy.”
124.
Records even show scattered sales of aristocratic lands: around 1210, the counts of Ponthieu and Saint-Pol and the castellans of Bapaume and Saint-Omer sold land to non-nobles; see Spiegel, Romancing the Past, 22.
125.
See Duby, Rural Economy and Country Life, 237–41.
126.
Spiegel, Romancing the Past; Peraino, Giving Voice to Love, ch. 3.
127.
Creighton, Designs upon the Land, 216.
128.
Rehding, “Ecomusicology between Apocalypse and Nostalgia,” 412.
129.
This was noted in Fritz, La cloche et la lyre, 120. Notably, the knight of the Jeu de Robin et Marion, Adam's pastourelle-themed play, does not invoke the springtime opening in his first song, claiming simply that he found Marion while riding home from a tournament; see Adam de la Halle, Le jeu de Robin et Marion, verses 9–10. Adam does playfully transform the springtime opening by using it as the “messenger” of an envoi: “Hé! tres dous mais et avriex, / deveés m'est li dous liex: / faites que mes cans oïs / y soit et dis!” (Ah! Gentle May and April, / the sweet place is closed to me: / make it so that my song will be / heard and sung there!): “Si li maus c'Amours” (RS 1715), verses 51–54, text from Adam de la Halle, Œuvres complètes, 108.
130.
“Quant la sesons comence” (RS 623), “Quant je voi le gaut foillir” (RS 1415), and “Li nouviaus tens” (RS 1802). Simon wrote a fourth song in which the springtime opening is not aligned with sentiment or singing, “Li biaus estés” (RS 183).
131.
The springtime opening is used in Gautier's “Quant je voi par la contree” (RS 501), “Quant voi fenir iver et la froidure” (RS 1988), and “Quant je voi l'erbe menue” (RS 2067), and in Moniot's “Quant je oi chanter l'alouete” (RS 969), “Au nouvel tens” (RS 987), and “Li tens qui reverdoie” (RS 1756). In Gautier's wintertime opening (“Quant voi iver et froidure aparoir,” RS 1784), the speaker wants to sing in spite of the harsh weather but is constrained by Amors. Gautier d'Espinal was once thought to have been among the seigneurs of Épinal, but recent research by Robert Lug has demonstrated that he was actually a cleric—a relative of the bishop of Metz; see Lug, “Politique et littérature à Metz,” 457. The trouvère-turned-monk Guiot de Provins also uses the springtime opening conventionally in his song “Contre le nouvel tans” (RS 287). According to the autobiographical information in his Bible, Guiot wrote all five of his songs before he entered the monastery at Cluny. I have not included his songs among those of the cleric-trouvères for this reason. See Orr, Les œuvres de Guiot de Provins, xi–xiii.
132.
“Quant la sesons renouvele” (RS 614).
133.
“Au partir de la froidure” (RS 2101a) and “Biaus m'est prins tens” (RS 1280).
134.
Lambert Ferri, “Li tres dous tens ne la saison novele” (RS 604), and Guibert Kaukesel, “Quant voi le dous tens aparoir” (RS 1785).
135.
This is the only trouvère song in which I have detected the dynamics of retreat to the countryside, return to the city, and nostalgia that are key to the pastoral topos. On the pastoral, see Allen, “Symphonic Pastorals Redux,” 189; Garrard, Ecocriticism, 33–39; Pearsall and Salter, Landscapes and Seasons, ch. 1; and especially Gifford, “Pastoral, Anti-pastoral, Post-pastoral.”
136.
In the other two songs in which Moniot d'Arras uses the springtime opening, the singer sings at the command of Amors (“Quant voi les prés flourir et blanchoier,” RS 1259) or claims that Amors uses the spring season as an occasion to make him miserable (“A l'entrant de la saison,” RS 1896).
137.
“Flour ne glais ne vois autaine” (RS 131) and “La flour d'iver sour la branche” (RS 255). For a modern edition, see Ménard, Les poésies de Guillaume le Vinier, 118–23, 71–74. The first stanza of Guillaume's “Li rossignolés avrillous” (RS 2042) does not use the first-person voice. Instead, the song opens with a proverbial-sounding discussion of the impact of spring in which the singer contrasts lovers whose embattled hearts rejoice at the sound of the nightingale's song with lovers who are indifferent to the joys of the season. See ibid., 133–36.
138.
Richard also uses the wintertime opening in “Quant chiet la fueille en l'arbroie” (RS 1689).
139.
Most accounts of medieval vernacular music treat the surviving monophonic and polyphonic songs of the thirteenth century separately. Exceptions include Butterfield, Poetry and Music; Page, The Owl and the Nightingale; Stevens, Words and Music; Saltzstein, The Refrain and the Rise of the Vernacular; and most recently Saint-Cricq, Doss-Quinby, and Rosenberg, Motets from the Chansonnier de Noailles.
140.
The largest motet collections, W2, Mo, and Ba, are Parisian, as is Cl. Another large corpus of motets is found in two chansonniers believed to have been produced in Artois: the Chansonnier de Noailles and the Chansonnier du Roi. The former, which includes the fourth largest motet collection from the thirteenth century, likely emanated directly from Arras; see Saint-Cricq, Doss-Quinby, and Rosenberg, Motets from the Chansonnier de Noailles, introduction.
141.
Adam de la Halle's five motets are included in the manuscript containing his complete works, attesting to his authorship of them (Paris, BnF, fr. 25566). Adam lived in Arras and may have studied in Paris. Jacques de Liège credits Petrus de Cruce, who lived in Amiens and likely studied in Paris, with two motets transmitted in Mo; see Huglo, “De Francon de Cologne.” Several medieval sources attest to Philip the Chancellor's authorship of as many as eight motets; see Payne, Philip the Chancellor, xiii–xv.
142.
See Wright, Music and Ceremony, 25, and Page, The Owl and the Nightingale, 144–47. Recent work by Catherine A. Bradley has shown that a significant number of the surviving clausula-motets are actually transcriptions of French motets rather than representing retexted portions of discant, as most earlier accounts had stated. For her estimate of the number of motets that derive from clausulae, see Bradley, Polyphony in Medieval Paris, 108.
143.
Page, The Owl and the Nightingale, 154.
144.
See Baldwin, Masters, Princes, and Merchants, 1:120. On the significant corpus of motets that reflect a local tradition of polyphonic composition based in Arras, see especially Everist, “Rondeau-Motet,” and, more recently, Saint-Cricq, Doss-Quinby, and Rosenberg, Motets from the Chansonnier de Noailles, introduction, and Saint-Cricq, “Motets in the Chansonniers,” 228–31, 236–41. On motets composed in Cambrai, see Bradley, “Song and Quotation.” Earlier accounts often pitted the “central” Parisian tradition against smaller, “peripheral” motet manuscripts associated with other regions, yet both Bradley and Saint-Cricq demonstrate cross-fertilization between the Parisian corpus and motets associated with other regions. See Bradley, “Song and Quotation,” and Saint-Cricq, Doss-Quinby, and Rosenberg, Motets from the Chansonnier de Noailles, xxxi–xxxii. I thank Professor Bradley for sharing her article with me prior to its publication.
145.
See Page, Discarding Images, 68–84. Page goes on to argue that the polytextual motet privileges sound over sense, a view that was broadly criticized as anti-intellectual; see ibid., 84–111. For two of the most detailed responses to Page's argument, see Weller, “Frames and Images,” and Clark, “‘S'en dirai chançonete.'” For a more sympathetic account that places Page's argument in the context of sound studies, see Dillon, Sense of Sound.
146.
Recent studies of the manuscripts Mo and Cl have uncovered alignment between certain vernacular motets and thirteenth-century lay devotional practices; see Dillon, Sense of Sound, 285–94; Bradley, “Song and Quotation”; and Curran, “Composing a Codex.” Curran also argues that the notation of Cl may have been legible to a larger body of performers than has been assumed, possibly including women: Curran, “Reading and Rhythm,” 144–50.
147.
The Chansonnier du Roi may have been commissioned for William of Villehardouin, the prince of Frankish Greece; see Haines, “Songbook for William of Villehardouin,” 58–60. Both the Chansonnier du Roi and the Chansonnier de Noailles transmit monophonic motets (motets copied without tenors), which Everist argues were a site of engagement between the polyphonic motet and vernacular song culture: Everist, “Vernacular Contexts,” 153. Adam's complete works manuscript (Paris, BnF, fr. 25566) was produced in Arras and likely commissioned by Count Robert II of Artois; see Huot, From Song to Book, 67. The presence of motet lyrics in the Douce Chansonnier indicates that motet lyrics continued to interest courtiers in Metz into the early fourteenth century; see Leach, “Courtly Compilation,” 245–46.
148.
On motet voices that are also transmitted as monophonic songs, see Gennrich, “Trouvèrelieder und Motettenrepertoire”; Haines, Eight Centuries of Troubadours, 30–32; and Thompson, “Monophonic Song in Motets.” Scholars have uncovered additional cases in which an intertextual refrain from a trouvère song was likely quoted in a motet; see, for example, Clark, “‘S'en dirai chançonete,'” and Saltzstein, The Refrain and the Rise of the Vernacular, 104–13.
149.
On the genre system of trouvère song, see Bec, La lyrique française. A taxonomy of the lyric genres represented in motet texts appears in Tischler, Style and Evolution, 2:94–96.
150.
See Everist, “Motets, French Tenors” and “Rondeau-Motet.”
151.
See Saint-Cricq, “New Link.”
152.
This is somewhat surprising given the many studies that have explored invocations of the pastourelle in the upper voices of the motet; see, for example, Callahan, “Tracking Robin”; Huot, “Transformations of Lyric Voice”; Huot, “Intergeneric Play”; Pesce, “Beyond Glossing”; Rothenberg, “Marian Symbolism of Spring”; Saltzstein, “Refrains in the Jeu”; and Thomas, “Robin-and-Marion Story.”
153.
Pastourelle motets that use the springtime opening are not included for the reason given in note 17 above.
154.
Rothenberg, Flower of Paradise, 60.
155.
Mo, 169r, 170r.
156.
This motet voice appears in Mo, 228r, Mo, 293r, Tu, 18v, and Bes (table of incipits), no. 11.
157.
M 137, M 601, and M 1139.
158.
Lyric transcribed from Mo, 237v.
159.
Translation modified from Tischler, Stakel, and Relihan, Montpellier Codex, 4:68.
160.
This motet is part of the large and much-discussed family of motets on the tenor “Flos filius eius” and appears in W2, 214v, Mo, 173v, and Cl, 371r. It does not share its music with a clausula or with any other motets.
161.
Example 2 is modified from Anderson and Close, Motets of the Manuscript “La Clayette,” 9.
162.
Rothenberg, Flower of Paradise, 26–49.
163.
For a transcription of the chant melisma, see ibid., 29.
164.
Ibid., 28.
165.
See ibid., 31.
166.
Text and translation from Rothenberg, Flower of Paradise, 32.
167.
Ibid., 36.
168.
Huot, Allegorical Play, 96–99.
169.
In an earlier publication, Huot argued that the upper voices of this motet do not themselves carry an allegorical sense: Huot, “Languages of Love.” For a discussion of other motets that either secularize this tenor or do not engage its spiritual associations, see Huot, Allegorical Play, 90–91.
170.
Lyric transcribed from Cl, 371r.
171.
Translation modified from Anderson and Close, Motets of the Manuscript “La Clayette,” lix.
172.
For a discussion of motets in which the speaker's sleep is disturbed by thoughts of love, see Saltzstein, “Ovid and the Thirteenth-Century Motet,” 356–64.
173.
Lyric transcribed from Cl, 371r–v.
174.
Translation modified from Anderson and Close, Motets of the Manuscript “La Clayette,” lix.
175.
Others have noticed some of the textual repetition and parallelisms between these two motet voices; see Clark, “When Words Converge,” 208; Gallo, Music of the Middle Ages, 24–25; and Huot, “Languages of Love,” 177–79.
176.
Anderson noted that this motet is one of a relatively small number in Cl in which only a few phrases overlap between the voices: Anderson, “Motets of the Thirteenth-Century Manuscript,” 17.
177.
Because the texts are different, the piece is not a true conductus-motet. On this subgenre, see Everist, French Motets, 24.
178.
Similar verbal repetition occurs in the motet “En non Dieu” / “Quant voi” / “Nobis”; see Butterfield, “Language of Medieval Music.”
179.
The use of converging words with diverging meanings in this motet and others is explored in Clark, “When Words Converge.”
180.
As Everist notes, the triplum pattern is sequential in the second two of the three phrases, and the tenor doubles the cadence note of the motetus in each of the three phrases: Everist, French Motets, 170–71. For an argument that these sequences represent the protagonist's obsessive thoughts about love and mimic the song that Cupid compels him to sing, see Clark, “When Words Converge,” 213.
181.
Clark, “When Words Converge,” 212.
182.
Both Boogaard and Tischler believed this phrase was a refrain. See refrain 489 in Boogaard, Rondeaux et refrains. These verses are italicized in Tischler's edition of the Montpellier Codex, indicating his belief that they were a refrain: Tischler, Stakel, and Relihan, Montpellier Codex, 2:143.
183.
This technique is certainly not unique to this motet, but it places it in a smaller subset of motets that feature irregular tenor groupings; see Anderson, “Motets of the Thirteenth-Century Manuscript,” 8–11.
184.
Noted in Tischler, Stakel, and Relihan, Montpellier Codex, 1:liv.
185.
These three motets are all unique to Mo: “Li noviaus tens” / “Onques ne fui repentanz” / “(Captivi)tatem” (168v–170r; refrain 1249); “Je ne puis” / “Amors me tienent” / “Veritatem [et mansuetudinem]” (171v–173r; refrain 1731); and “Quant se depart” / “Onques ne sai amer a gas” / “Docebit” (179v–181r; refrain 1428). For concordances, see the Refrain website, http://medmus.soton.ac.uk/.
186.
This motet is unique to Mo, where it appears on folio 374r. Example 4 follows Tischler, Stakel, and Relihan, Montpellier Codex, 3:197–98.
187.
The most comprehensive account of the relationships between the “In seculum” motet tenor and the Eastertide liturgy is found in Rothenberg, Flower of Paradise, ch. 3.
188.
Ibid., 58.
189.
See ibid., 60–79.
190.
Lyric taken from and translation modified from Tischler, Stakel, and Relihan, Montpellier Codex, 4:111.
191.
Lyric taken from and translation modified from Tischler, Stakel, and Relihan, Montpellier Codex, 4:111.
192.
Gennrich, Bibliographie der ältesten französischen und lateinischen Motetten, 19. On the refrain-cento motet, see Everist, “Refrain Cento.”
193.
Boogaard does not list (M 207) “Quant se depart” / (M 208) “Hé, cuer joli!” / (M 13) “In seculum” as a concordance for refrain 220. Although they have strong textual similarities, they have different melodies.
194.
In the most comprehensive study of hockets in the thirteenth-century motet repertoire to date, Curran designates this motet as one of a small group in which the hocketing is “extensive”: Curran, “Hockets Broken and Integrated,” 99.
195.
Sanders, “Medieval Hocket,” 248.
196.
See Dalglish, “Origin of the Hocket,” 4–10.
197.
See Leach, Sung Birds, 180–201; Schmidt-Beste, “Singing the Hiccup,” here 266; and Zayaruznaya, “Hockets as Compositional and Scribal Practice,” 463, 498.
198.
The refrains are 809, 811, 822, 823, 824, 828, 835, and 836. The three interpolations are 808, 829, and 831, all found in Jacquemart Giélée's Renart le nouvel. For an account of the interpolations in Renart le nouvel, see Peraino, “Et pui conmencha a canter”; Haines, Satire in the Songs; and Butterfield, Poetry and Music, 138–43.
199.
Others have argued that this passage highlights the contrast of emotions between the male and female singers of the triplum and motetus voices, who are respectively optimistic and desperate; see Doss-Quinby et al., Songs of the Women Trouvères, 50–51.
200.
Curran, “Hockets Broken and Integrated,” 63–64.
201.
For an excellent exploration of the didactic uses of contradiction in medieval scholarship, see Brown, Contrary Things.
202.
Hoffmann, Environmental History of Medieval Europe, 8–9.
203.
Ibid., 10. Historians stress interaction in order to avoid environmental determinism, emphasizing the ways in which environmental conditions influence but rarely dictate human outcomes; see Campbell, Great Transition, xvi.
204.
Medieval estates were colonized landscapes in which almost no areas were untouched by human intervention; see Farmer, “Aristocratic Power,” 651–55.
205.
On Everswell, see Colvin, “Royal Gardens in Medieval England,” 19–20. On Tintagel, see Creighton, Designs upon the Land, 33.
206.
Creighton, Designs upon the Land, 142.
207.
See Van Buren, “Reality and Literary Romance,” 122.
208.
See ibid., 123, and Pearsall and Salter, Landscapes and Seasons, 173.
209.
See Creighton, Designs upon the Land, 126, and Farmer, “Aristocratic Power,” 647.
210.
See Farmer, “Aristocratic Power,” 647.
211.
Allen and Dawe, Current Directions in Ecomusicology, 11.
212.
Bowlus, “Ecological Crisis.”
213.
Historians have demonstrated that earlier assumptions that the natural resources of the medieval world had been overexploited were often overstated or inaccurate; see, for example, Keyser, “Transformation of Traditional Woodland Management,” 383–84, and Hoffmann, Environmental History of Medieval Europe, 345. Hoffman summarizes several influential but problematic attempts to draw parallels between medieval and modern environmental crises (ch. 5).
214.
See Hoffmann, Environmental History of Medieval Europe, 347–48. On the end of the Medieval Climate Anomaly, see Campbell, Great Transition, 335–44.

Works Cited

Works Cited
Manuscript Sources
Ba Bamberg, Staatsbibliothek, MS Lit. 115 
Bes Besançon, Bibliothèque municipale, MS I, 716 
Cl Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS nouv. acq. fr. 13521 
D Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 308 (Douce Chansonnier) 
F Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, MS Pluteus 29.1 
FlorMel Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, MS 2757 
K Paris, Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, MS 5198 
LoC London, British Library, MS Add. 30091 
Mo Montpellier, Bibliothèque interuniversitaire, Section Médecine, MS H196 (Montpellier Codex) 
MüA Münich, Staatsbibliothek, MS mus. 1775 
N Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. 12615 (Chansonnier de Noailles) 
N (trouv.) Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. 845 
P Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. 847 
PaMel I Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. 1589 
PaMel II Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. 1633 
PsAr Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 11266 
R Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. 844 (Chansonnier du Roi) 
StV Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 15139 
Tu Turin, Biblioteca Reale, MS Vari 42 
W2 Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek, MS Guelf. 1099 Helmst. 
X Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS nouv. acq. fr. 1050 
 Aix-en-Provence, Bibliothèque Méjanes, MS 166 
 Arras, Médiathèque municipale, MS 657 (Chansonnier d'Arras) 
 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. 846 (Chansonnier Cangé) 
 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. 24406 
 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. 25566 
Ba Bamberg, Staatsbibliothek, MS Lit. 115 
Bes Besançon, Bibliothèque municipale, MS I, 716 
Cl Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS nouv. acq. fr. 13521 
D Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 308 (Douce Chansonnier) 
F Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, MS Pluteus 29.1 
FlorMel Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, MS 2757 
K Paris, Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, MS 5198 
LoC London, British Library, MS Add. 30091 
Mo Montpellier, Bibliothèque interuniversitaire, Section Médecine, MS H196 (Montpellier Codex) 
MüA Münich, Staatsbibliothek, MS mus. 1775 
N Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. 12615 (Chansonnier de Noailles) 
N (trouv.) Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. 845 
P Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. 847 
PaMel I Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. 1589 
PaMel II Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. 1633 
PsAr Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 11266 
R Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. 844 (Chansonnier du Roi) 
StV Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 15139 
Tu Turin, Biblioteca Reale, MS Vari 42 
W2 Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek, MS Guelf. 1099 Helmst. 
X Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS nouv. acq. fr. 1050 
 Aix-en-Provence, Bibliothèque Méjanes, MS 166 
 Arras, Médiathèque municipale, MS 657 (Chansonnier d'Arras) 
 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. 846 (Chansonnier Cangé) 
 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. 24406 
 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. 25566 
Editions and Secondary Literature
Adam de la Halle.
Le jeu de Robin et Marion
. Edited by Jean Dufournet.
Paris
:
Flammarion
,
1989
.
Adam de la Halle.
Œuvres complètes
. Edited by Pierre-Yves Badel. Librairie générale française.
Paris
:
Livre de Poche
,
1995
.
Anderson, Gordon A.
“Motets of the Thirteenth-Century Manuscript La Clayette: A Stylistic Study of the Repertory.”
Musica disciplina
28
(
1974
):
5
37
.
Anderson, Gordon A., ed., and Elizabeth A. Close, ed. and trans.
Motets of the Manuscript “La Clayette” (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, nouv. acq. f. fr. 13521
). Corpus mensurabilis musicae 68.
[Rome]
:
American Institute of Musicology
,
1975
.
Allen, Aaron S.
“Ecomusicology: Ecocriticism and Musicology.”
In Allen et al.,“Colloquy,”
391
94
.
Allen, Aaron S. “‘Fatto di fiemme’: Stradivari's Violins and the Musical Trees of the Paneveggio.” In
Invaluable Trees: Cultures of Nature, 1660–1830
, edited by Laura Auricchio, Elizabeth Heckendorn Cook, and Giulia Pacini,
301
15
.
Oxford
:
Voltaire Foundation
,
2012
.
Allen, Aaron S.
“Greening the Curriculum: Beyond a Short Music History in Ecomusicology.”
Journal of Music History Pedagogy
8
, no.
1
(
2017
):
91
109
.
Allen, Aaron S. “Symphonic Pastorals Redux.” In
Extending Ecocriticism: Crisis, Collaboration and Challenges in the Environmental Humanities
, edited by Peter Barry and William Welstead,
187
211
.
Manchester, UK
:
Manchester University Press
,
2017
.
Allen, Aaron S., and Kevin Dawe.
Current Directions in Ecomusicology: Music, Culture, Nature
.
New York
:
Routledge
,
2016
.
Allen, Aaron S., Daniel M. Grimley, Alexander Rehding, Denise Von Glahn, and Holly Watkins.
“Colloquy.”
This Journal
64
, no.
2
(
2011
):
391
424
.
Aubrey, Elizabeth.
“Reconsidering ‘High Style’ and ‘Low Style’ in Medieval Song.”
Journal of Music Theory
52
, no.
1
(
2008
):
75
122
.
Austern, Linda Phyllis.
“Nature, Culture, Myth, and the Musician in Early Modern England.”
This Journal
51
, no.
1
(
1998
):
1
47
.
Baldwin, John W.
The Government of Philip Augustus: Foundations of French Royal Power in the Middle Ages
.
Berkeley
:
University of California Press
,
1986
.
Baldwin, John W.
Masters, Princes, and Merchants: The Social Views of Peter the Chanter and His Circle
.
2
vols.
Princeton
:
Princeton University Press
,
1970
.
Baldwin, John W.
Paris, 1200
.
Stanford
:
Stanford University Press
,
2010
.
Bec, Pierre.
La lyrique française au moyen âge (XIIe–XIIIe siècles): Contribution à une typologie des genres poétiques médiévaux
.
Paris
:
Picard
,
1977
.
Beer, Jeanette.
Beasts of Love: Richard de Fournival's “Bestiaire d'amour” and a Woman's Response
.
Toronto
:
University of Toronto Press
,
2003
.
Boogaard, Nico H. J. van den.
Rondeaux et refrains du XIIe siècle au début du XIVe
. Bibliothèque française et romane. Ser. D, Initiation, textes et documents 3.
Paris
:
Klincksieck
,
1969
.
Bowlus, Charles. “Ecological Crisis in Fourteenth-Century Europe.” In
Historical Ecology: Essays on Environment and Social Change
, edited by Lester J. Bilsky,
86
99
.
Port Washington, NY
:
Kennikat Press
,
1980
.
Bradley, Catherine A.
“Contrafacta and Transcribed Motets: Vernacular Influences on Latin Motets and Clausulae in the Florence Manuscript.”
Early Music History
32
(
2013
):
1
70
.
Bradley, Catherine A.
Polyphony in Medieval Paris: The Art of Composing with Plainchant
.
Cambridge, UK
:
Cambridge University Press
,
2018
.
Bradley, Catherine A.
“Song and Quotation in Two-Voice Motets for Saint Elizabeth of Hungary.”
Speculum
92
, no.
3
(
2017
):
661
91
.
Brahney, Kathleen J., ed. and trans.
The Lyrics of Thibaut de Champagne
.
New York
:
Garland
,
1989
.
Brown, Catherine.
Contrary Things: Exegesis, Dialectic, and the Poetics of Didacticism
.
Stanford
:
Stanford University Press
,
1998
.
Burgwinkle, William. “The chansonniers as Books.” In
The Troubadours: An Introduction
, edited by Simon Gaunt and Sarah Kay,
246
62
.
Cambridge, UK
:
Cambridge University Press
,
1999
.
Butterfield, Ardis.
“The Language of Medieval Music: Two Thirteenth-Century Motets.”
Plainsong and Medieval Music
2
, no.
1
(
1993
):
1
16
.
Butterfield, Ardis.
Poetry and Music in Medieval France: From Jean Renart to Guillaume de Machaut
.
Cambridge, UK
:
Cambridge University Press
,
2002
.
Callahan, Christopher. “Tracking Robin, Marion and the Virgin Mary: Musical/Textual Interlace in the Pastourelle Motet.” In
“Chançon legiere a chanter”: Essays on Old French Literature in Honor of Samuel N. Rosenberg
, edited by Karen Fresco and Wendy Pfeffer,
293
308
.
Birmingham, AL
:
Summa Publications
,
2007
.
Campbell, Bruce M. S.
The Great Transition: Climate, Disease and Society in the Late-Medieval World
.
Cambridge, UK
:
Cambridge University Press
,
2016
.
Clark, Suzannah.
“‘S'en dirai chançonete': Hearing Text and Music in a Medieval Motet.”
Plainsong and Medieval Music
16
, no.
1
(
2007
):
31
59
.
Clark, Suzannah. “When Words Converge and Meanings Diverge: Counterexamples to Polytextuality in the Thirteenth-Century Motet.” In
A Critical Companion to Medieval Motets
, edited by Jared C. Hartt,
205
24
. Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music 17.
Woodbridge, UK
:
Boydell Press
,
2018
.
Clark, Suzannah, and Alexander Rehding, eds.
Music Theory and the Natural Order from the Renaissance to the Early Twentieth Century
.
Cambridge, UK
:
Cambridge University Press
,
2001
.
Clark, Timothy.
“Phenomenology.”
In
The Oxford Handbook of Ecocriticism
, edited by Greg Garrard,
276
90
.
Oxford
:
Oxford University Press
,
2014
.
Colvin, Howard M. “Royal Gardens in Medieval England.” In
Medieval Gardens
, edited by Elisabeth Blair Macdougall,
7
22
.
Washington, DC
:
Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection
,
1986
.
Creighton, Oliver H.
Designs upon the Land: Elite Landscapes of the Middle Ages
.
Woodbridge, UK
:
Boydell Press
,
2009
.
Creighton, Oliver H.
Early European Castles: Aristocracy and Authority, AD 800–1200
.
London
:
Bristol Classical Press
,
2012
.
Curran, Sean. “Composing a Codex: The Motets in the ‘La Clayette’ Manuscript.” In
Medieval Music in Practice: Studies in Honor of Richard Crocker
, edited by Judith A. Peraino,
219
54
. Miscellanea 8.
Middleton, WI
:
American Institute of Musicology
,
2013
.
Curran, Sean.
“Hockets Broken and Integrated in Early Mensural Theory and an Early Motet.”
Early Music History
36
(
2017
):
31
104
.
Curran, Sean.
“Reading and Rhythm in the ‘La Clayette’ Manuscript (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, nouv. acq. fr. 13521).”
Plainsong and Medieval Music
23
, no.
2
(
2014
):
125
51
.
Curtius, Ernst Robert.
European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages
. Translated by Willard R. Trask.
New York
:
Harper & Row
,
1963
.
Dalglish, William.
“The Origin of the Hocket.”
This Journal
31
, no.
1
(
1978
):
3
20
.
De Moor, Martina. “Common Land and Common Rights in Flanders.” In
The Management of Common Land in North West Europe, c. 1500–1850
, edited by Martina De Moor, Leigh Shaw-Taylor, and Paul Warde,
113
41
.
Turnhout, Belgium
:
Brepols
,
2002
.
Dillon, Emma.
The Sense of Sound: Musical Meaning in France, 1260–1330
.
Oxford
:
Oxford University Press
,
2012
.
Dillon, Emma.
“Unwriting Medieval Song.”
New Literary History
46
, no.
4
(
2015
):
595
622
.
Doss-Quinby, Eglal, Joan Tasker Grimbert, Wendy Pfeffer, and Elizabeth Aubrey, eds.
Songs of the Women Trouvères
.
New Haven
:
Yale University Press
,
2001
.
Dragonetti, Roger.
La technique poétique des trouvères dans la chanson courtoise: Contribution à l'étude de la rhétorique médiévale
.
Bruges
:
De Tempel
,
1960
.
Duby, Georges.
Rural Economy and Country Life in the Medieval West
. Translated by Cynthia Postan.
London
:
Edward Arnold
,
1968
.
Duby, Georges.
“The Transformation of the Aristocracy: France at the Beginning of the Thirteenth Century.”
In his
The Chivalrous Society
. Translated by Cynthia Postan,
178
85
.
Berkeley
:
University of California Press
,
1977
.
Epstein, Marcia Jenneth, ed. and trans.
“Prions en chantant”: Devotional Songs of the Trouvères
. Toronto Medieval Texts and Translations 11.
Toronto
:
University of Toronto Press
,
1997
.
Everist, Mark.
French Motets in the Thirteenth Century: Music, Poetry and Genre
.
Cambridge, UK
:
Cambridge University Press
,
1994
.
Everist, Mark.
“Motets, French Tenors, and the Polyphonic Chanson ca. 1300.”
Journal of Musicology
24
, no.
3
(
2007
):
365
406
.
Everist, Mark.
“The Refrain Cento: Myth or Motet?”
Journal of the Royal Musical Association
114
, no.
2
(
1989
):
164
88
.
Everist, Mark.
“The Rondeau-Motet: Paris and Artois in the Thirteenth Century.”
Music and Letters
69
, no.
1
(
1988
):
1
22
.
Everist, Mark. “Vernacular Contexts for the Monophonic Motet: Notes from a New Source.” In
Music and Culture in the Middle Ages and Beyond: Liturgy, Sources, Symbolism
, edited by Benjamin Brand and David J. Rothenberg,
142
57
.
Cambridge, UK
:
Cambridge University Press
,
2016
.
Farmer, Sharon.
“Aristocratic Power and the ‘Natural’ Landscape: The Garden Park at Hesdin, ca. 1291–1302.”
Speculum
88
, no.
3
(
2013
):
644
80
.
Fritz, Jean-Marie.
La cloche et la lyre: Pour une poétique médiévale du paysage sonore
.
Geneva
:
Droz
,
2011
.
Gallo, F. Alberto.
Music of the Middle Ages
. Vol.
2
. Translated by Karen Eales.
Cambridge, UK
:
Cambridge University Press
,
1985
.
Galvez, Marisa.
Songbook: How Lyrics Became Poetry in Medieval Europe
.
Chicago
:
University of Chicago Press
,
2012
.
Garrard, Greg.
Ecocriticism
.
New York
:
Routledge
,
2004
.
Gennrich, Friedrich.
Bibliographie der ältesten französischen und lateinischen Motetten
. Summa musicae medii aevi 2.
Darmstadt
,
1957
.
Gennrich, Friedrich.
“Simon d'Authie, ein pikardischer Sänger.”
Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie
67
(
1951
):
49
104
.
Gennrich, Friedrich.
“Trouvèrelieder und Motettenrepertoire.”
Zeitschrift für Musikwissenschaft
9
(
1926
):
8–39
,
65–85
.
Gerbino, Giuseppe.
Music and the Myth of Arcadia in Renaissance Italy
.
Cambridge, UK
:
Cambridge University Press
,
2009
.
Gifford, Terry. “Pastoral, Anti-pastoral, Post-pastoral.” In
The Cambridge Companion to Literature and the Environment
, edited by Louise Westling,
17
30
.
Cambridge, UK
:
Cambridge University Press
,
2014
.
Glacken, Clarence J.
Traces on the Rhodian Shore: Nature and Culture in Western Thought from Ancient Times to the End of the Eighteenth Century
.
Berkeley
:
University of California Press
,
1967
.
Glotfelty, Cheryll, and Harold Fromm, eds.
The Ecocriticism Reader: Landmarks in Literary Ecology
.
Athens, GA
:
University of Georgia Press
,
1996
.
Gravdal, Kathryn.
“Camouflaging Rape: The Rhetoric of Sexual Violence in the Medieval Pastourelle.”
Romanic Review
76
, no.
4
(
1985
):
361
73
.
Haines, John.
Eight Centuries of Troubadours and Trouvères: The Changing Identity of Medieval Music
.
Cambridge, UK
:
Cambridge University Press
,
2004
.
Haines, John.
Medieval Song in Romance Languages
.
Cambridge, UK
:
Cambridge University Press
,
2010
.
Haines, John.
Satire in the Songs of “Renart le nouvel.”
Geneva
:
Droz
,
2010
.
Haines, John. “The Songbook for William of Villehardouin, Prince of the Morea (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, fonds français 844): A Crucial Case in the History of Vernacular Song Collections.” In
Viewing the Morea: Land and People in the Late Medieval Peloponnese
, edited by Sharon E. J. Gerstel,
57
109
.
Washington, DC
:
Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection
,
2013
.
Harvey, John.
Mediaeval Gardens
.
Beaverton, OR
:
Timber Press
,
1981
.
Hoffmann, Richard C.
An Environmental History of Medieval Europe
.
Cambridge, UK
:
Cambridge University Press
,
2014
.
Huglo, Michel.
“De Francon de Cologne à Jacques de Liège.”
Revue belge de musicologie / Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Musiekwetenschap
34–35
(
1980–81
):
44
60
.
Hult, David F.
Self-Fulfilling Prophecies: Readership and Authority in the First “Roman de la rose.”
Cambridge, UK
:
Cambridge University Press
,
1986
.
Hunt, Tony.
Miraculous Rhymes: The Writing of Gautier de Coinci
. Gallica 8.
Cambridge, UK
:
D. S. Brewer
,
2007
.
Huot, Sylvia.
Allegorical Play in the Old French Motet: The Sacred and the Profane in Thirteenth-Century Polyphony
.
Stanford
:
Stanford University Press
,
1997
.
Huot, Sylvia.
From Song to Book: The Poetics of Writing in Old French Lyric and Lyrical Narrative Poetry
.
Ithaca, NY
:
Cornell University Press
,
1987
.
Huot, Sylvia. “Intergeneric Play: The Pastourelle in Thirteenth-Century French Motets.” In
Medieval Lyric: Genres in Historical Context
, edited by William D. Paden,
297
314
.
Urbana
:
University of Illinois Press
,
2000
.
Huot, Sylvia. “Languages of Love: Vernacular Motets on the Tenor Flos Filius Ejus.” In
Conjunctures: Medieval Studies in Honor of Douglas Kelly
, edited by Keith Busby and Norris J. Lacy,
169
80
.
Amsterdam
:
Rodopi
,
1994
.
Huot, Sylvia.
“Transformations of Lyric Voice in the Songs, Motets and Plays of Adam de la Halle.”
Romanic Review
78
, no.
2
(
1987
):
148
64
.
Jeanroy, Alfred, ed.
Le Chansonnier d'Arras: Reproduction et phototypie
.
Paris
:
SATF
,
1925
.
Johnson, Matthew.
Behind the Castle Gate: From Medieval to Renaissance
.
London
:
Routledge
,
2002
.
Kay, Sarah.
Subjectivity in Troubadour Poetry
.
Cambridge, UK
:
Cambridge University Press
,
1990
.
Keyser, Richard.
“The Transformation of Traditional Woodland Management: Commercial Sylviculture in Medieval Champagne.”
French Historical Studies
32
, no.
3
(
2009
):
353
84
.
Koerner, Joseph Leo.
Caspar David Friedrich and the Subject of Landscape
. 2nd ed.
London
:
Reaktion Books
,
2009
.
Krause, Kathy M., and Alison Stones, eds.
Gautier de Coinci: Miracles, Music, and Manuscripts
.
Turnhout, Belgium
:
Brepols
,
2006
.
Leach, Elizabeth Eva. “A Courtly Compilation: The Douce Chansonnier.” In
Manuscripts and Medieval Song: Inscription, Performance, Context
, edited by Helen Deeming and Elizabeth Eva Leach,
221
46
. Music in Context.
Cambridge, UK
:
Cambridge University Press
,
2015
.
Leach, Elizabeth Eva.
Sung Birds: Music, Nature, and Poetry in the Later Middle Ages
.
Ithaca, NY
:
Cornell University Press
,
2007
.
Lerond, Alain.
Chansons attribuées au Chastelain de Couci: Édition critique
. Publications de la Faculté des Lettres et Sciences humaines de Rennes 7.
Paris
:
Presses universitaires de France
,
1964
.
Lug, Robert. “Politique et littérature à Metz autour de la guerre des amis (1231–1234): le témoignage du Chansonnier de Saint-Germain-des-Prés.” In
Lettres, musique, et société en Lorraine médiévale: Autour du “Tournoi de Chauvency” (Ms. Oxford Bodleian Douce 308)
, edited by Mireille Chazan and Nancy Freeman Regalado,
451
86
.
Geneva
:
Droz
,
2012
.
Ménard, Philippe.
Les poésies de Guillaume le Vinier
. Textes littéraires français.
Geneva
:
Droz
,
1970
.
Morris, Mitchell. “Ecotopian Sounds; or, The Music of John Luther Adams and Strong Environmentalism.” In
Crosscurrents and Counterpoints: Offerings in Honor of Bengt Hambræus at 70
, edited by Per F. Broman, Nora A. Engebretsen, and Bo Alphonce,
129
41
.
Gothenburg, Sweden
:
University of Gothenburg
,
1998
.
Novikoff, Alex J.
The Medieval Culture of Disputation: Pedagogy, Practice, and Performance
.
Philadelphia
:
University of Pennsylvania Press
,
2013
.
Oksanen, Eljas.
Flanders and the Anglo-Norman World, 1066–1216
.
Cambridge, UK
:
Cambridge University Press
,
2012
.
O'Neill, Mary.
Courtly Love Songs of Medieval France: Transmission and Style in the Trouvère Repertoire
.
Oxford
:
Oxford University Press
,
2006
.
Orr, John, ed.
Les œuvres de Guiot de Provins: Poète lyrique et satirique
.
Manchester, UK
:
University of Manchester Press
,
1915
.
O'Sullivan, Daniel E.
Marian Devotion in Thirteenth-Century French Lyric
.
Toronto
:
University of Toronto Press
,
2005
.
Paden, William D.
“Rape in the Pastourelle.”
Romanic Review
80
, no.
3
(
1989
):
331
49
.
Page, Christopher.
Discarding Images: Reflections on Music and Culture in Medieval France
.
Oxford
:
Clarendon Press
,
1993
.
Page, Christopher.
The Owl and the Nightingale: Musical Life and Ideas in France 1100–1300
.
Berkeley
:
University of California Press
,
1989
.
Payne, Thomas B., ed.
Philip the Chancellor: Motets and Prosulas
. Recent Researches in the Music of the Middle Ages and Early Renaissance 41.
Middleton, WI
:
A-R Editions
,
2011
.
Pearsall, Derek, and Elizabeth Salter.
Landscapes and Seasons of the Medieval World
.
London
:
Elek
,
1973
.
Peraino, Judith A.
“Et pui conmencha a canter: Refrains, Motets and Melody in the Thirteenth-Century Narrative Renart le nouvel.”
Plainsong and Medieval Music
6
, no.
1
(
1997
):
1
16
.
Peraino, Judith A.
Giving Voice to Love: Song and Self-Expression from the Troubadours to Guillaume de Machaut
.
Oxford
:
Oxford University Press
,
2011
.
Pesce, Dolores. “Beyond Glossing: The Old Made New in Mout me fu grief / Robin m'aime / Portare.” In
Hearing the Motet: Essays on the Motet of the Middle Ages and Renaissance
, edited by Dolores Pesce,
28
51
.
Oxford
:
Oxford University Press
,
1997
.
Pluskowski, Aleks. “Predators in Robes: Materialising and Mystifying Hunting, Predation and Seclusion in the Northern European Medieval Landscape.” In
Centre, Region, Periphery: Proceedings of the International Conference of Medieval and Later Archaeology, Basel, Switzerland
, edited by G. Helmig, B. Scholkmann, and M. Untermann,
243
47
. Vol.
2
.
Basel
:
Archäologische Bodenforschung Basel-Stadt
,
2002
.
Rackham, Oliver. “The Medieval Countryside of England: Botany and Archaeology.” In
Inventing Medieval Landscapes: Senses of Place in Western Europe
, edited by John Howe and Michael Wolfe,
13
32
.
Gainesville
:
University Press of Florida
,
2002
.
Rawcliffe, Carole.
“‘Delectable Sightes and Fragrant Smelles’: Gardens and Health in Late Medieval and Early Modern England.”
Garden History
36
, no.
1
(
2008
):
3
21
.
Rehding, Alexander.
“Ecomusicology between Apocalypse and Nostalgia.”
This Journal
64
, no.
2
(
2011
):
409
14
.
Rehding, Alexander.
“Review Article: Eco-Musicology.”
Journal of the Royal Musical Association
127
, no.
2
(
2002
):
305
20
.
Rosenberg, Samuel N., and Samuel Danon, ed. and trans.
The Lyrics and Melodies of Gace Brulé
. Garland Library of Medieval Literature, ser. A,
39
.
New York
:
Garland
,
1985
.
Rothenberg, David J.
The Flower of Paradise: Marian Devotion and Secular Song in Medieval and Renaissance Music
.
Oxford
:
Oxford University Press
,
2011
.
Rothenberg, David J.
“The Marian Symbolism of Spring, ca. 1200–ca. 1500: Two Case Studies.”
This Journal
59
, no.
2
(
2006
):
319
98
.
Saint-Cricq, Gaël. “Motets in the Chansonniers and the Other Culture of the French Thirteenth-Century Motet.” In
A Critical Companion to Medieval Motets
, edited by Jared C. Hartt,
225
42
. Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music 17.
Woodbridge, UK
:
Boydell Press
,
2018
.
Saint-Cricq, Gaël.
“A New Link between the Motet and Trouvère Chanson: The pedes-cum-cauda Motet.”
Early Music History
32
(
2013
):
179
223
.
Saint-Cricq, Gaël, ed., and Eglal Doss-Quinby and Samuel N. Rosenberg, trans.
Motets from the Chansonnier de Noailles
.
Madison, WI
:
A-R Editions
,
2017
.
Saltzstein, Jennifer.
“Cleric-Trouvères and the jeux-partis of Medieval Arras.”
Viator
43
, no.
2
(
2012
):
147
64
.
Saltzstein, Jennifer.
“Ovid and the Thirteenth-Century Motet: Quotation, Reinterpretation, and Vernacular Hermeneutics.”
Musica disciplina
58
(
2013
):
351
72
.
Saltzstein, Jennifer.
“Rape and Repentance in Two Medieval Motets.”
This Journal
70
, no.
3
(
2017
):
583
616
.
Saltzstein, Jennifer.
The Refrain and the Rise of the Vernacular in Medieval French Music and Poetry
. Gallica 30.
Cambridge, UK
:
D. S. Brewer
,
2013
.
Saltzstein, Jennifer. “Refrains in the Jeu de Robin et Marion: History of a Citation.” In
Poetry, Knowledge, and Community in Late Medieval France
, edited by Finn Sinclair and Rebecca Dixon,
173
86
.
Cambridge, UK
:
D. S. Brewer
,
2008
.
Sanders, Ernest H.
“The Medieval Hocket in Practice and Theory.”
Musical Quarterly
60
, no.
2
(
1974
):
246
56
.
Scheludko, Dimitri.
“Zur Geschichte des Natureinganges bei den Trobadors.”
Zeitschrift für französische Sprache und Literatur
60, nos. 5–
6
(
1937
):
257
334
.
Schmidt-Beste, Thomas.
“Singing the Hiccup—On Texting the Hocket.”
Early Music History
32
(
2013
):
225
75
.
Short, Brian. “Forests and Wood-Pasture in Lowland England.” In
The English Rural Landscape
, edited by Joan Thirsk,
122
49
.
Oxford
:
Oxford University Press
,
2000
.
Skoda, Hannah.
Medieval Violence: Physical Brutality in Northern France, 1270–1330
.
Oxford
:
Oxford University Press
,
2013
.
Smith, Geri L.
The Medieval French Pastourelle Tradition: Poetic Motivations and Generic Transformations
.
Gainesville
:
University Press of Florida
,
2009
.
Soper, Kate.
What is Nature? Culture, Politics and the Non-Human
.
Oxford
:
Blackwell
,
1995
.
Spanke, Hans.
G. Raynauds Bibliographie des altfranzösischen Liedes
.
Leiden
:
Brill
,
1955
. Reprint,
1980
.
Spiegel, Gabrielle M.
Romancing the Past: The Rise of Vernacular Prose Historiography in Thirteenth-Century France
.
Berkeley
:
University of California Press
,
1993
.
Stevens, John.
Words and Music in the Middle Ages: Song, Narrative, Dance and Drama, 1050–1350
.
Cambridge, UK
:
Cambridge University Press
,
1986
.
Symes, Carol.
A Common Stage: Theater and Public Life in Medieval Arras
.
Ithaca, NY
:
Cornell University Press
,
2007
.
Thomas, Wyndham.
“The Robin-and-Marion Story: Interactions of pastourelle, Motet and Chanson in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries.”
Music Review
51
, no.
4
(
1990
):
241
61
.
Thompson, Matthew. “Monophonic Song in Motets: Performing Quoted Material and Performing Quotation.” In
Performing Medieval Text
, edited by Ardis Butterfield, Henry Hope, and Pauline Souleau,
136
51
.
Cambridge, UK
:
Legenda—Modern Humanities Research Association
,
2017
.
Tischler, Hans.
The Style and Evolution of the Earliest Motets (to circa 1270)
.
4
vols.
Henryville, PA
:
Institute of Mediaeval Music
,
1985
.
Tischler, Hans, ed., and Susan Stakel and Joel Relihan, trans.
The Montpellier Codex
.
4
vols. Recent Researches in the Music of the Middle Ages and Early Renaissance 2–7.
Madison, WI
:
A-R Editions
,
1978–85
.
Toliver, Brooks.
“Eco-ing the Canyon: Ferde Grofé's Grand Canyon Suite and the Transformation of Wilderness.”
This Journal
57
, no.
2
(
2004
):
325
67
.
Trabut-Cussac, Jean-Paul.
“Itinéraire d'Édouard Ier en France, 1286–1289.”
Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research
25
, no.
72
(
1952
):
160
203
.
Vale, Malcolm.
The Princely Court: Medieval Courts and Culture in North-West Europe, 1270–1380
.
Oxford
:
Oxford University Press
,
2001
.
Van Buren, Anne Hagopian. “Reality and Literary Romance in the Park of Hesdin.” In
Medieval Gardens
, edited by Elisabeth Blair Macdougall,
115
34
.
Washington, DC
:
Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection
,
1986
.
Van der Werf, Hendrik.
The Chansons of the Troubadours and Trouvères: A Study of the Melodies and Their Relation to the Poems
.
Utrecht
:
A. Oosthoek
,
1972
.
Vitz, Evelyn Birge.
“Rereading Rape in Medieval Literature: Literary, Historical, and Theoretical Reflections.”
Romanic Review
88
, no.
1
(
1997
):
1
26
.
Weller, Philip.
“Frames and Images: Locating Music in Cultural Histories of the Middle Ages.”
This Journal
50
, no.
1
(
1997
):
7
54
.
Wickham, Chris.
Medieval Europe
.
New Haven
:
Yale University Press
,
2016
.
Wright, Craig.
Music and Ceremony at Notre Dame of Paris, 500–1550
. Cambridge Studies in Music.
Cambridge, UK
:
Cambridge University Press
,
1989
.
Wood, Christopher S.
Albrecht Altdorfer and the Origins of Landscape
. 2nd ed.
London
:
Reaktion Books
,
2014
.
Woolgar, Christopher Michael.
The Senses in Late Medieval England
.
New Haven
:
Yale University Press
,
2006
.
Zapf, Hubert, ed.
Handbook of Ecocriticism and Cultural Ecology
.
Berlin
:
De Gruyter
,
2016
.
Zayaruznaya, Anna.
“Hockets as Compositional and Scribal Practice in the Ars nova Motet—A Letter from Lady Music.”
Journal of Musicology
30
, no.
4
(
2013
):
461
501
.
Zink, Michel.
La pastourelle: Poésie et folklore au Moyen Âge
.
Paris
:
Bordas
,
1972
.
Zink, Michel. “The Place of the Senses.” In
Rethinking the Medieval Senses: Heritage, Fascinations, Frames
, edited by Stephen G. Nichols, Andreas Kablitz, and Alison Calhoun,
93
101
.
Baltimore
:
Johns Hopkins University Press
,
2008
.