For early modern Lutherans Heinrich Schütz's Saul, Saul, was verfolgst du mich? would have evoked fears of religious persecution. Its text, from the narrative of Paul's conversion in Acts 9, appears in seventeenth-century devotional writings and confessional polemics about persecution. Moreover, recently uncovered archival evidence shows that Schütz performed his concerto in 1632 at a state-sponsored political festival marking the first anniversary of the Battle of Breitenfeld, a major Protestant victory in the Thirty Years War. Here Schütz's concerto clearly stoked fears of persecution, because the celebrations touted the battle as a victory over Catholic oppression. The political context in 1632 might also explain some of the piece's most notable features. Its unusually brief text and vivid music do not illustrate the whole story of Saul's conversion but solely the moment at which Christ intervened to put a stop to persecution. Schütz's listeners would have heard in Saul's example a parallel to the victory they were celebrating in 1632 and the persecution they feared from their Catholic and imperial adversaries. This performance of Saul, the only one known from Schütz's lifetime, shows how his music partook in a broader campaign of Protestant propaganda designed to reinforce the confessional and political divisions that fueled this phase of the war.

Heinrich Schütz's Saul, Saul, was verfolgst du mich? from the Symphoniae sacrae III (1650) has long appealed to scholars on account of its aesthetic, expressive, and structural merits. Beginning with Carl von Winterfeld, who rediscovered the concerto in the nineteenth century, and continuing down to the standard music histories of today, writers have lauded the work's emotional power, pointed to parallels with famous examples of early modern visual art, and accorded it a key place in a story we tell about changing style, form, and expression in seventeenth-century music.1 Surprisingly, no one has tried to show how Lutherans of Schütz's time might have understood the piece, save for sporadic references to its supposed suitability to the Feast of the Conversion of St. Paul.2 Yet as will be shown here, early modern Lutheran devotional writings and confessional polemics suggest that the work's text, taken from the biblical narrative of Paul's conversion, would have evoked specific fears of contemporary religious persecution. In addition, new archival evidence reveals that Schütz likely performed the piece at a state-sponsored celebration where it assumed political and confessional significance relating to the Thirty Years War.

Until recently, no one could say exactly when Schütz composed or performed Saul prior to 1650, when he published the concerto in the third volume of his Symphoniae sacrae.3 Yet a rediscovered Amtsbuch (official registry) from the Dresden Schlosskirche documents a performance in September 1632. This manuscript, lost since the Second World War, turned up in the Dresden Landeskirchenarchiv in 2008.4 It had functioned as a diary in which the Dresden court preachers recorded events at the Schlosskirche.5 Among its varied contents are several handwritten orders for special services, including one from 1632 for the first anniversary of the Battle of Breitenfeld, a major Protestant victory of the war. This order lists “a concerto, Saul, Saul, was verfolgst du mich,” performed at Vespers on the day of the celebration.6 (See the  Appendix below for a full transcription of the page.) Although the Amtsbuch scribe offers no attribution, the concerto is in all probability Schütz's: his is the only known German setting from the time with this incipit, and he himself likely led the music for the services.7 

The celebrations of 1632, which will be reconstructed here in substantial detail, touted the Battle of Breitenfeld as a victory over Catholic oppression, showing the politically and confessionally charged context in which Schütz performed his concerto. This context might also explain some of the piece's most notable features. Having recently returned from his second trip to Italy, Schütz harnessed the expressive and structural techniques of the latest Italian concerted music, creating a work that easily aligns with the main themes of the Breitenfeld celebrations. The concerto's lavish scoring, vivid music, and unusually truncated text capture the moment when Christ miraculously intervened to thwart Saul's attempts to suppress Christianity. Listeners in 1632 were invited to draw a parallel between this moment and the defeat of their enemies at Breitenfeld. This performance of Saul, the only one documented from Schütz's lifetime, thus shows how his music partook in a broader campaign of Protestant propaganda designed to strengthen the confessional and political divisions that fueled this phase of the Thirty Years War.

Acts 9 in Early Modern Germany

Discussion of the political context of Schütz's concerto must begin with an understanding of the way his text would have been interpreted by seventeenth-century Lutherans. Schütz set the words of Christ from the biblical narrative of Saul's conversion on the road to Damascus, found in the Acts of the Apostles. Portions of this text appear in three places in the book, first in Chapter 9 as part of the direct narrative, then later in Chapters 22 and 26, where Saul, now the Apostle Paul, twice recounts his conversion with slightly different wording (see Table 1).8 Schütz most likely took his text from the initial account in Chapter 9. Chapter 22 lacks the second phrase in Schütz's text, “Es wird dir schwer werden,” and although this phrase does appear in Chapter 26, here the verb “sein” replaces “werden.” Furthermore, when seventeenth-century writers mention the story they unvaryingly point to the direct narrative in Acts 9 rather than to Paul's later retellings. For this reason, although the Symphoniae sacrae III partbooks give no source for Schütz's text, it is likely that early modern listeners heard Acts 9.

Table 1

Potential sources for the text of Schütz's Saul, Saul, was verfolgst du mich?

SchützActs 9:4–5Acts 22:7–8Acts 26:14–15a
Saul, Saul, was verfolgstu mich?
Es wird dir schwer werden, wider den Stachel zu lecken. 
[4] Vnd [er] fiel auff die Erden / vnd höret eine Stimme / die sprach zu jm / Saul / Saul / Was verfolgestu mich?
[5] Er aber sprach / Herr / Wer bistu / Der HERR sprach / Jch bin Jhesus / den du verfolgest / Es wird dir schwer werden wider den Stachel zu lecken
[7] Vnd ich fiel zum Erdboden / vnd höret eine Stimme / die sprach zu mir / Saul / Saul / Was verfolgestu mich?
[8] Jch antwortet aber / HERR / wer bistu? vnd er sprach zu mir / Jch bin JEsus von Nazareth / den du verfolgest. 
[14] Da wir aber alle zur Erden nieder fielen / horet ich eine Stimme reden zu mir / die sprach auff Ebreisch / Saul / Saul / Was verfolgestu mich? Es wird dir schwer sein / wider den Stachel zu lecken.
[15] Jch aber sprach / HERR / wer bistu? Er sprach / Jch bin Jhesus / den du verfolgest. 
SchützActs 9:4–5Acts 22:7–8Acts 26:14–15a
Saul, Saul, was verfolgstu mich?
Es wird dir schwer werden, wider den Stachel zu lecken. 
[4] Vnd [er] fiel auff die Erden / vnd höret eine Stimme / die sprach zu jm / Saul / Saul / Was verfolgestu mich?
[5] Er aber sprach / Herr / Wer bistu / Der HERR sprach / Jch bin Jhesus / den du verfolgest / Es wird dir schwer werden wider den Stachel zu lecken
[7] Vnd ich fiel zum Erdboden / vnd höret eine Stimme / die sprach zu mir / Saul / Saul / Was verfolgestu mich?
[8] Jch antwortet aber / HERR / wer bistu? vnd er sprach zu mir / Jch bin JEsus von Nazareth / den du verfolgest. 
[14] Da wir aber alle zur Erden nieder fielen / horet ich eine Stimme reden zu mir / die sprach auff Ebreisch / Saul / Saul / Was verfolgestu mich? Es wird dir schwer sein / wider den Stachel zu lecken.
[15] Jch aber sprach / HERR / wer bistu? Er sprach / Jch bin Jhesus / den du verfolgest. 

While Lutherans drew a variety of lessons from Acts 9, they consistently related it to religious oppression, past and present. The story of Saul's conversion begins with an act of persecution. The biblical narrative introduces Saul, a Jew, as a fervent opponent of Christianity. Chapter 7 ends with his presiding over the stoning of Stephen; in Chapter 8 he goes from house to house, detaining Christians; and in Chapter 9 his conversion takes place while he is on his way to Damascus to arrest Christ's followers:

Saul, however, snorting out threats and murder against the disciples of the Lord, went to the high priest and desired of him letters to Damascus to the synagogues, that if he found any of this way, men and women, he might bring them bound to Jerusalem. And as he was on the way and came near Damascus, suddenly a light from heaven shone round about him, and he fell to the earth and heard a voice that spoke to him: Saul, Saul, why do you persecute me? He, however, said: Lord, who are you? The Lord said: I am Jesus, whom you persecute. It will be hard for you to kick against the pricks. And he spoke with trembling and fear: Lord, what will you have me to do? The Lord said to him: Arise, and go into the city. There you will be told what you must do. (Acts 9:1–6)9 

Even without this broader knowledge of the Book of Acts, early modern listeners would still have been aware of Saul's oppressiveness through Schütz's text alone, since the verb “verfolgen” (to persecute) appears in the very words that Christ uttered to Saul—the only words set by Schütz.

Early modern Lutherans sometimes drew parallels between Acts 9 and contemporary confessional unrest. Especially during the first half of the Thirty Years War, when confession played a central role in the conflict, they polemicized through sermons, political tracts, devotional books, and broadsheets.10 From these writings we can learn how early modern Lutherans put Acts 9 to confessional work, primarily by warning their coreligionists of impending danger and comforting those suffering from or anxious about oppression.

Acts 9 is referenced in an anonymous broadsheet from the mid-seventeenth century, where it calls to mind religious persecution.11 Titled Typus ecclesiae (Image [or Model] of the Church), the engraving includes a condensation of the text of Acts 9:4–5 and shows Saul trembling before Christ (see Figures 1a and 1b).12 Together with the surrounding images and texts this scene provokes fear of persecution but also offers solace. The engraver has assembled images from history to support the central claim that belonging to the true church offers sure protection from all harm. At the center we see a ship, the church, warding off a host of assailants. Those safe inside are “the apostles, the patriarchs, prophets, martyrs, and all those who have known God in right faith,” as the border on the ship's gunwale indicates.13 Attacking them are various political opponents, such as Nero, Herod, Antiochus, and the Turks, and religious foes such as Nestor, Arius, and Pelagius. Most come from the early history of Christianity, although a few, such as Mahomet and the Turks, would still have been relevant in the seventeenth century. Most importantly, the apocalyptic Whore of Babylon, riding the dragon in the lower right, would have reminded Protestant readers of the Roman Catholic Church.

Figure 1a

Broadsheet Typus ecclesiae, exemplar from the Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel, Sig. 68.3 Aug. 2°, fol. 75r. Used by permission.

Figure 1a

Broadsheet Typus ecclesiae, exemplar from the Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel, Sig. 68.3 Aug. 2°, fol. 75r. Used by permission.

Figure 1b

Broadsheet Typus ecclesiae, detail, exemplar from the Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel, Sig. 68.3 Aug. 2°, fol. 75r. Used by permission.

Figure 1b

Broadsheet Typus ecclesiae, detail, exemplar from the Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel, Sig. 68.3 Aug. 2°, fol. 75r. Used by permission.

In the areas surrounding this central scene the engraver depicts other episodes in which God protected believers from peril. In the upper left we witness the account in Daniel 3 of Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego being shielded by an angel from Nebuchadnezzar's blazing furnace. On the right the image of Christ and Saul, together with the quotation from Acts 9, offers a parallel example from the New Testament. Turning prophetic, the broadsheet offers a final lesson in the boxed texts running along the very bottom of the page. The end of this poem reads,

Das alle König und Ketzer hie That all kings and heretics here 
Vergebens toben wieder sie. Futilely rage against her [the church]. 
Bis er sie auch gantz mache frey Until he [Christ] makes her, too, wholly free 
Von allem leid und Tyrannei. From all suffering and tyranny. 
Die aber so sie plagen, dort Yet those who afflict her 
Wirt sturtz zu der Hellen pfort. Will tumble to the gates of hell. 

As part of the broadsheet's central message, Acts 9 promises the reader that, just as Christ protected his early followers from Saul, so he continues to safeguard the faithful in the present.

A sermon on Acts 9 from 1634 by the Altenburg court preacher Christoph Megander (1591–1635) links the text to similar themes.14 Earlier in his career Megander had been a court preacher in Bohemia, but the Counter Reformation had forced him into exile in 1624.15 Understandably, most of his later writings focus on confessional polemics and persecution. In his 1634 sermon he was at pains to outline Saul's wicked deeds prior to conversion. The future apostle was a son of and successor to King Saul, David's persecutor. Saul, says Megander, brings to mind other infamous persecutors, such as Doeg, Nero, Agrippa, and Antiochus. Turning to his own time, Megander then draws an unambiguous analogy between Saul, who hunted down Christians, and the pope and the Jesuits, who pursue Lutherans:

Here, dearly beloved, if we had time, we could justifiably make a comparison between Saul and his rightful heirs, the pope in Rome and the Jesuits, Shaulites [Num. 26:13] and Edomites, for surely no egg, no milk, looks so like or similar to other [eggs or milk] as Saul does the Spanish and Satanic Inquisitorn haereticae pravitatis, as one calls them in Romish. He [the pope] expertly plays a Jesuitical spy, a tracking- and bloodhound, who unearths, sniffs out, investigates everything, and for this purpose seeks what he considers to be salutary and necessary for the most extreme persecution, desolation, and downfall of poor Lutherans.16 

Megander claims that Acts 9 also expresses his readers' longing for the conversion of their current enemies:

Oh that even unto our persecutors—our enemies who seek our goods and blood—such a majestic voice of terror should one day resound in their ears as a mighty thunderbolt, penetrating their heart, marrow, and bones, so that they turn back and remember the Lord, who sits in heaven above and laughs and mocks their schemes (Ps. 2:4).17 

Acts 9 also sometimes informs the conversion narratives of former Catholic clergy. During the seventeenth century a small but well-publicized number of Catholic clergy moved to central Germany, converted to Lutheranism, and under the close watch of the Lutheran authorities often took up posts as pastors. An important milestone in this process was the so-called Revocationspredigt, in which the author publically recounted his conversion and denounced the errors of Roman Catholicism.18 These authors sometimes drew a parallel between Saul's conversion and their own, noting how they too had once tyrannized believers. Martin Luther himself had set this precedent, writing that in his early years he had been

so drunk, yes, submerged in the pope's dogmas, that I would have been ready to murder all, if I could have, or to co-operate willingly with the murderers of all who would take but a syllable from obedience to the pope. So great a Saul was I, as are many to this day.19 

Seventeenth-century converts similarly adopted Saul's model. A sermon by Franz Albanus, for example, recounts how he had taken a position in Joachimsthal, Bohemia, where he was charged with converting non-Catholics. With this intent he read all the Lutheran books he could find in the city library, hoping “to strike the people with their own sword.”20 But on studying these books he found the doctrine “well founded in Holy Scripture.”21 Eventually he heard the call to convert, which he recounts by glossing Acts 9:4–5:

What should I now do: I heard the voice of Christ in my heart: Saul, Saul, why do you persecute me? You pathetic man, why do you persecute Christ in his members and all those who call on his name? (Acts 9) Here is the finger of God (Exod. 8:19). It will be hard for you to kick against the pricks. Is it not enough that you corrupt yourself? Will you also lead others along with you?22 

Albanus and several other converts liken themselves to Saul as persecutors who have repented.23 

Lutheran clergy also occasionally cite Acts 9 in writings specifically about persecution. In 1630 Andreas Kesler (1595–1643), court preacher in Coburg, published a book titled Patientia Christiana, an “extensive treatise on the persecution of Christ's church in these troubled times,” as the subtitle describes it.24 Here Acts 9 is referenced in several places. The chapter shows how God warns the enemies of the Gospel against further persecution and causes them to convert in the midst of their assaults.25 In addition, it reassures readers that they suffer for Christ's sake, since their foes really attack Christ himself.26 Undergirding this interpretation are Christ's own words in Acts 9: “why do you persecute me” and “I am Jesus, whom you persecute.” Other Lutheran writers also affirm this last point. A polemical tract by Gregor Goldammer (1577–1646), a Bohemian pastor writing to persecuted Protestants, references Acts 9 to justify this view:

For it is to be observed that when the Christian is attacked the Lord calls it his own impugnation, just as he also takes upon himself the persecution that befalls Christians: Acts 9:5 [sic], Saul, Saul, why do you persecute me? even though Saul persecuted not the Lord Christ, who had already ascended to heaven, but only his disciples and followers.27 

On several occasions Luther himself reiterated this idea. In his sermon on John 6 he took up the biblical metaphor of Christians as the members of Christ's body:

In brief, whoever scourges or imprisons Christians imprisons Christ's own body. For the Christians are His members. He has their interest at heart and is as displeased by any harm done them as if it had been done to Him. Thus we read in the second chapter of the prophet Zechariah (2:8): “He who touches you touches the apple of My eye.” And in Acts (9:4) Christ says to Saul, who was harassing the Christians: “Saul, Saul, why do you persecute Me?”28 

And in his sermon on John 15 Luther repeated the point.29 

Luther's own sermon on Acts 9, preached during the last month of his life (January 1546), also addressed persecution, using the passage to mercilessly attack Rome. For Luther, Acts 9 offered comfort. Although Saul had committed two notorious sins—“he was a murderer and had spilled blood” and “he had defiled and blasphemed the name of the Lord,” compelling others to do the same—his example could still console readers.30 They, like Saul, could still hope for salvation. But Luther also used Acts 9 to rail against the Catholic clergy, titling his sermon “Against the Monks” (“Von der Bekerung S. Pauli wider die Moenchen”). Unlike Megander nearly a century later, Luther did not admonish his listeners to look to Saul as an example of how their confessional opponents in Rome might convert. On the contrary, he considered Saul's sins meager and insignificant by comparison with the sins of the pope, cardinals, and monks. To paraphrase Luther, the latter all sin against the Holy Spirit, an unforgivable sin, according to Matthew 12. The pope, cardinals, and bishops know full well that they do injustice and lead people astray. Saul was much better than these men, for he was learned in Scripture and repented immediately when he heard Christ's call.31 Although later Lutheran writers do not take up this specific argument, all these examples from Luther into the seventeenth century show the kinds of confessional and devotional purposes Acts 9 could serve, stirring up fear of adversaries, comforting the distressed, and warning would-be oppressors.

Saul, the Swedish-Saxon Alliance, and the Battle of Breitenfeld

Further linking Acts 9 to Protestant anxieties over the state of their religion, evidence from the rediscovered Amtsbuch shows that Schütz performed Saul, Saul, was verfolgst du mich? at the Breitenfeld anniversary celebrations in 1632. These celebrations had unambiguous political and confessional significance, as the events leading up to this point in the Thirty Years War make clear.32 By August 1631 the warring parties were divided largely along confessional lines. The Austrian Habsburgs under Emperor Ferdinand II allied with members of the Catholic League, headed by Maximilian I of Bavaria and including most Catholic estates of the Holy Roman Empire; in 1631 the joint armies of the emperor and the Catholic League were led by Johann Tserclaes, Count of Tilly. Their opponents varied throughout the war, but by the end of 1631 they included most Protestant princes and estates of the empire, spearheaded by Sweden and subsidized by France.

The various forces involved had not always been so aligned. Most notably, Schütz's patron, John George I, the Lutheran Prince Elector (Kurfürst) of Saxony, usually sided with the Catholic Habsburg emperors, even at the expense of other Protestant rulers.33 Throughout the Thirty Years War the elector sought to uphold the constitutional structure of the Holy Roman Empire as it had existed under the Peace of Augsburg (1555). As a rule he aimed for stability and a balance of power between the empire's Protestant and Catholic estates, and usually these aims kept him within the Habsburg fold.34 In the late 1620s, however, John George and his fellow moderate Protestants began to drift away from Vienna. By 1627 Saxony had grown increasingly impatient with the conduct of Ferdinand's chief commander, Albrecht von Wallenstein.35 Furthermore, at the height of his power Ferdinand had issued the Edict of Restitution in March 1629, essentially stripping Protestants of crucial territory and property. Saxony itself stood to lose the territories of Meissen, Merseburg, and Naumburg/Zeitz.36 Fueling the conflict even further, King Gustav II Adolf of Sweden intervened in the summer of 1630, hoping to quickly rally German Protestant princes to his side.

Over the course of the following year Protestant rulers and estates faced increasing pressure to take sides. Although Saxony and Brandenburg, the two Protestant electorates, tried to remain neutral by forming a defensive league, the coalition they formed at the Leipzig Convention in early 1631 proved short-lived. In May the imperialist army under Tilly sacked the arch-Protestant city of Magdeburg. Partisans quickly blamed the Catholic imperialists for the fires that consumed the city, hardening the confessional divide. Protestant pamphleteers urged neutral parties such as Saxony and Brandenburg to commit, even blaming John George for his earlier inaction.37 In the months that followed, many of Saxony's allies turned to Sweden.

All this leads up to the Battle of Breitenfeld on September 7, 1631.38 During the summer of 1631, as Gustav Adolf continued to fight Tilly, Saxony began to move ever closer to Sweden. By June most suspected that an alliance was inevitable or had already taken place in secret.39 Saxony had been arming since the spring, ostensibly for defensive purposes. The electorate had also stopped cooperating with the emperor, denying Tilly's requests to allow his troops to cross the territory and intercepting their correspondence.40 At the same time John George secretly sent emissaries to Gustav Adolf to discuss cooperation.41 

As Sweden and Saxony grew ever closer, Tilly eventually decided to strike preemptively into Saxony. Up to that point he had avoided direct conflict with the elector, but he desperately needed a prosperous and well-supplied area in which to quarter his hungry and restless army. Invading the unspoiled electorate was the best option. In addition Tilly hoped to disarm Saxony, since a strong electorate threatened his position in the north.42 When in mid-August he received permission to deal with Saxony with greater force and then learned that a Swedish-Saxon alliance was likely, he invaded.43 Having taken Merseburg he reached the gates of Leipzig on August 29.

Meanwhile, John George, encamped at Torgau, quickly signed a pact with Gustav Adolf and their joint army headed toward Leipzig to intercept Tilly. Both elector and king eagerly sought to do battle while conditions favored them. When Tilly met the Swedes and Saxons at Breitenfeld, just outside Leipzig, on September 7 he found himself outmanned and outgunned. The Swedish-Saxon victory proved unexpectedly decisive. Tilly's forces scattered and would not regroup for months. With all central Europe open before them, Sweden and Saxony launched victorious campaigns throughout southern Germany and Bohemia respectively, hastening the erosion of Ferdinand's dominance in central Europe. By the following summer Sweden had swept through Bavaria, taking Augsburg and driving Maximilian out of Munich.

Lutheran Saxony and its neighbors found the victory at Breitenfeld and Gustav Adolf's subsequent campaigning so significant that they marked the battle's anniversary for several years. Besides the services in September 1632, at which Schütz performed his Saul concerto, some places in Saxony, most notably Leipzig, had already celebrated in the fall and winter of 1631.44 Dresden itself, together with the rest of the territory, commemorated the battle until at least 1634, and memory of it continued into the latter part of the century.45 

The political significance of the celebrations in 1632 and thereafter derives not only from the events of September 1631 but also from the way Protestants, especially Saxon state officials, framed the battle. From the outset partisans interpreted it confessionally, regarding it as evidence that their oppressors had received their due. Even before Breitenfeld, Protestants had consistently justified the war as a struggle against Catholic aggression. Though modern historians acknowledge that the Thirty Years War was never exclusively a religious conflict, the average literate European of the time viewed it as such.46 Especially after the Edict of Restitution and the sack of Magdeburg, religion became the dominant political concern. This anxiety helps to explain the intensity of celebrations after the victory. From a Protestant partisan's viewpoint, the war up to 1631 must have seemed like a constant string of military and political defeats. Breitenfeld was the war's first real Protestant victory: it eased worries over Ferdinand's power to enforce the Edict of Restitution, it heralded the demise of the Catholic League,47 and it completely demoralized Tilly's formerly undefeated army. Protestants saw it as just vengeance for the sack of Magdeburg.48 The victory confirmed that God supported their cause despite earlier losses, and in some it even provoked eschatological speculation, signaling the imminent downfall of the papal antichrist.49 

Sweden and Saxony both exploited religion to help strengthen their alliance. Among Gustav Adolf's initial public reasons for war, religion had played only a minor role. Primarily he wanted to protect himself from the growing Habsburg military and commercial threat on the Baltic and the impact this might have on Swedish relations with rival Poland.50 Yet as Ronald Asch contends, religion cannot be ignored, since the legitimacy of Gustav Adolf's reign in the face of competing claims from the Catholic Polish Vasa branch of the dynasty ultimately rested on religion.51 The idea of Protestant solidarity was strong enough to keep Sweden from war with its archenemy, Denmark, even when Christian IV was at his weakest.52 Religion also factored into the timing of Sweden's entry into the war in the summer of 1630, just as Protestants across Germany were observing the hundredth anniversary of the Augsburg Confession.53 In the years that followed, the king would continue to style himself the savior of beleaguered German Protestants.54 

Saxony, too, justified taking up arms as self-defense against unjust religious oppression. Almost as soon as Tilly set foot in Saxony John George's supporters harnessed the press to vindicate his pact with Sweden while making Tilly look avaricious. Several presses issued unsanctioned pamphlets claiming to convey the elector's final message (Letztes Schreiben) to Tilly before war broke out. The letter reiterates the most common Protestant grievances: heavy taxes and forced contributions to support Ferdinand's armies, the quartering of troops in Protestant areas, the Edict of Restitution, and especially the Counter Reformation in Augsburg. These, together with Tilly's impending invasion, the letter labels as persecution:

Thus We hold out to Our dear emperor the most humble hope that Your Imperial Majesty, as a just and clement ruler, will not further invade Us nor suppose [that he] can in the least so persecute and oppress Us with such cruel and outrageous violence.55 

The elector then defends taking up arms as mere self-defense against unprovoked aggression. These ideas recur across a variety of pamphlets and broadsheets, often officially printed and circulated with the state's approval.56 This publicity succeeded so thoroughly that even modern historians still sometimes frame Saxony's turn to Sweden as being motivated only by desperation after Tilly's wholly unprovoked incursion.57 

Once Sweden and Saxony had forged an alliance they also found it beneficial to stress their mutual confessional aims, the one point about which they agreed. Despite Gustav Adolf's immediate success at Breitenfeld and after, relations between the Swedes and Saxons had always been strained. On the one hand, Gustav Adolf needed John George. The elector could serve as a model for the weaker Lutheran princes, convincing them to join and remain within the Swedish fold. Saxony commanded a formidable and growing army, and the electorate still enjoyed relative prosperity, having been spared the first decade of warfare.58 Sweden's campaign in southern Germany also depended on strong and enthusiastic support from the elector, whom Gustav Adolf entrusted to march into Bohemia and protect the Swedish flank. On the other hand, Dresden was still a military and political liability. Saxony's conduct at Breitenfeld and during the subsequent campaign in Bohemia did little to create the impression of a strong alliance.59 More importantly, John George's main policies had not significantly changed with the new alliance.60 He and his advisors still wanted to restore the status quo under the Peace of Augsburg and return to peaceful relations with the Catholic estates. They now merely sought the strongest foothold from which to make peace with Ferdinand.61 

For all these reasons Sweden and Saxony exploited the religious nature of the war to create an image of unity and strength within their precarious alliance. By 1632 a whole series of broadsheets had begun to show king and elector together as partners. In addition to equestrian portraits (see Figure 2), propaganda frequently underscored the confessional side of the war.62 In the broadsheet reproduced in Figure 3 king and elector uphold the Bible with their swords, while Martin Luther, in the center, hands each a copy of the Augsburg Confession. The Latin title reads, “Triumvirate of most unconquered heroes fighting for the truth of the Word of God and the Augsburg Confession with word, sword, and blood.”63 

Figure 2

Broadsheet Waare Abbildung Ihrer Königlichen Mayestät / Herrn Gustavi Adolphi, Christlichen Königs in Schweden / [et]c. Und Ihrer ChurFürstlichen Durchleuchtigkeit / Herrn Johann Georgen Hertzogen zu Sachsen / und ChurFürsten / [et]c. (1631) (VD17 12:671199E; Paas P-1391), exemplar from the Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel, Sig. IH 200. Used by permission.

Figure 2

Broadsheet Waare Abbildung Ihrer Königlichen Mayestät / Herrn Gustavi Adolphi, Christlichen Königs in Schweden / [et]c. Und Ihrer ChurFürstlichen Durchleuchtigkeit / Herrn Johann Georgen Hertzogen zu Sachsen / und ChurFürsten / [et]c. (1631) (VD17 12:671199E; Paas P-1391), exemplar from the Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel, Sig. IH 200. Used by permission.

Figure 3

Broadsheet Triga Heroum Invictissimorum pro veritate Verbi Dei & Augustanae Confessionis, Verbo, Ferro & Sanguine pugnantium (1632) (VD17 1:092250P; Paas P-1573), detail, exemplar from the Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel, Sig. IH 220. Used by permission.

Figure 3

Broadsheet Triga Heroum Invictissimorum pro veritate Verbi Dei & Augustanae Confessionis, Verbo, Ferro & Sanguine pugnantium (1632) (VD17 1:092250P; Paas P-1573), detail, exemplar from the Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel, Sig. IH 220. Used by permission.

It was for similar purposes that Saxony celebrated the first anniversary of the Breitenfeld victory in September 1632, the event at which Schütz performed his Saul concerto. The festivities, like the broadsheets, were an elaborate form of saber-rattling propaganda. To be sure, public enthusiasm for Sweden and the war seems to have been high after the victory, and John George's own wife, Magdalene Sibylla, became a vocal supporter of Gustav Adolf.64 But the celebrations were no simple outpouring of popular enthusiasm. By September 1632 Saxony needed more than ever to keep up appearances, for the celebrations came at a moment of great uncertainty. After an astonishingly successful campaign through central and southern Germany in the early months of the year, the Swedes had become bogged down in Bavaria during the summer. Both Sweden and Saxony faced a growing threat from the revived imperialist army under Albrecht von Wallenstein, the only commander who could match Gustav Adolf. By June Wallenstein had driven Saxony fully out of Bohemia and within weeks of the Breitenfeld celebrations he would push into Saxony to find winter quarters, hoping to break the already strained Swedish alliance.65 In the face of these growing threats the Breitenfeld anniversary festivals stressed Swedish-Saxon solidarity and hailed the battle as a divinely ordained, distinctly Protestant victory. Furthermore, throughout the services congregants heard official justifications for the ongoing war that emphasized the persecution of Protestants at the hands of tyrannical Catholic enemies.

Saxon state and church authorities closely oversaw the festivities throughout Saxony's towns and villages. Between 1632 and 1634 the supreme consistory (Oberconsistorium) in Dresden designed the liturgy for the services under the supervision of the elector and the senior court preacher (Oberhofprediger) Matthias Hoë von Hoënegg.66 The overlap between church and state was not new. Throughout the early modern period Dresden's court preachers often acted as public spokesmen for both political and religious policies. The Saxon electors had long cultivated an image as defenders of Luther's legacy, and court preachers played no small part in propagating this view.67 In addition the supreme consistory shaped and disseminated political news to the elector's benefit, sending official instructions to the regional superintendents who would in turn pass them on to local pastors. From pulpits in cities and villages throughout Saxony pastors would then read official decrees, prayers, and accounts of the war. In November 1631, for example, John George's privy council asked the consistory to have superintendents deliver to their parishes written descriptions of “the evil, unchristian, barbaric, and reckless things, and exorbitances, that Tilly's soldiers committed in the churches when they set upon our territory and the borderlands, including the removal of church decorations and other unseemly acts even to various pastors themselves.”68 The council then directed the consistory to supply pastors with a printed account of the battle.69 In this way the authorities could ensure that their subjects were presented with a view of the war that was designed to strengthen loyalty to the Lutheran confession and the Saxon state.

The consistory had a similar function in preparing for the annual Breitenfeld victory celebrations.70 Hoë and the Dresden consistory helped to bestow uniformity on the celebrations across Saxony, drawing up three official printed documents.71 By order of the elector these were circulated to all cities and villages in the territory.72 A Formula announcing the upcoming celebration was to be read from every pulpit in Saxony on the Sunday before the anniversary, while an Instruction und Ordnung prescribed the liturgy in detail.73 The festival was to be treated as a major feast, beginning with a Vespers service the previous evening (September 6) and continuing with a main morning service (Gottesdienst) and afternoon Vespers on the day of the anniversary itself. A third booklet printed the prayer to be read during the two services on September 7.74 By means of these three documents, the elector and consistory were able to frame the Breitenfeld celebrations to their political advantage. They chose readings, hymns, sermon topics, and prayers that would reinforce the celebration's major themes, and at several points in the services they inserted justifications for the war. Although they printed these documents chiefly in order to ensure that the celebrations took the same form throughout Saxony, the consistory and elector also wanted them to inspire other Protestant territories in the empire. For the second anniversary in 1633 the consistory hoped for an event “whose praiseworthy example might also laudably be followed by those Evangelical potentates and estates of the empire.”75 

While the festivities took place across Saxony, those at the Dresden Schlosskirche where Schütz performed carried more political weight. The court chapel, including the court preachers and chapel master, played a central and symbolic role in the celebrations, setting the standard for eloquent preaching and lavish music that other cities and villages in Saxony could only envy. Schütz's ensemble had not yet suffered the cutbacks that would plague him later in the decade and could still perform large-scale instrumental and vocal music.76 And since the congregation at the Dresden court chapel would have included dignitaries and informants from across Europe, the celebrations became bound up with Saxony's domestic, empire-wide, and international political ambitions.

Between 1631 and 1634 the celebrations must have gained such political and confessional significance that the elector had to curtail them in 1635, when Saxony returned to the imperial fold after the Peace of Prague. From then on the warring parties no longer divided so clearly along confessional lines. Celebrating an imperial defeat such as Breitenfeld now became a political liability, as did opposition to Catholicism, a prominent theme at earlier Breitenfeld anniversary celebrations. In August 1635, when the consistory asked the elector whether the usual festivities should take place, John George instructed them not to celebrate the anniversary with the same solemnity. Instead they agreed that the sermon on the previous Sunday could take up the theme in a very general way: “the people in church [should be] poignantly reminded of the season and what kind of salvation God has shown.”77 Prayers for peace should then be offered in light of the current unrest. In 1635 and thereafter the supreme consistory printed no instructions or prayers for any celebration relating to the Breitenfeld anniversary, their efforts to curb the celebrations illustrating the political and confessional import that the victory had accumulated over the preceding years.

The Breitenfeld Anniversary Liturgy

The liturgy for the three services of September 1632 can be reconstructed through both the Amtsbuch and the printed Instruction und Ordnung. Table 2 shows the liturgy as outlined by the two sources, side by side. In their overall shape the two agree, but the Amtsbuch scribe, probably the Dresden court preacher Christoph Laurentius (Lorenz) (1582–1658), records several differences and additions, especially regarding elaborate music.78 Taken together with the printed prayers as well as the published Vespers sermon, also by Laurentius, these sources provide an unusually detailed picture of the services.

Table 2

Liturgy for the Dresden Breitenfeld anniversary, September 1632

As recorded in the Schlosskirche AmtsbuchPrescribed by the Instruction und Ordnunga
Vespers (September 6), 1 p.m. 
 Ringing of bells for 15 minutes 
Deus in adjutorium meum (chant)  
Psalm 100 (Heinrich Schütz, Becker Psalter)  
Hymn: “O Herre Gott, dein Göttlich Wort” German hymns: “O Herre Gott, dein Göttlich Wort,” “Erhalt uns, Herr, bei deinem Wort” 
Collect for peace  
Reading: Psalm 9 Psalm 9 (at the altar) 
Collect at the altar Collect at the altar 
Hymn: “In dich hab' ich gehoffet, Herr”  
Collect and blessing “The usual blessing” 
Gottesdienst (September 7), 7 a.m. 
 Ringing of bells at 6:00, 6:30, & 7:00 
Short praeambulum on the organ  
Introit: Psalm 100 (chanted at the altar with Gloria Patri) Introit: in cities, Psalm 100 (sung in German, musicirt); in villages without musicians, “Allein Gott in der Höh' sei Ehr'” 
Kyrie “A customary full-choir Mass” 
Gloria (chanted at the altar, response from the chancel)  
 Collect for peace 
Reading: Psalm 124 Reading: Psalm 124 at the altar 
Hymn: “Ein feste Burg” Hymn: “Ein feste Burg” 
Reading: Psalm 66 Reading: Psalm 66 
 “Where time allows, additional well-appointed music could be performed such as a Laudate [psalm] with voices and instruments” 
Creed Creed (sung) 
Hymn: “Erhalt uns, Herr” Pulpit hymn: “Erhalt uns, Herr” 
Lord's Prayer Lord's Prayer 
Sermon on Psalm [66] (Matthias Hoë von Hoënegg) Sermon on Psalm 66 “with application to the appointed festival of praise and thanksgiving and to the salvation that God granted one year ago on this day” 
 Special prayer 
Hymn: “Wär Gott nicht mit uns diese Zeit” Hymn: “Wär Gott nicht mit uns diese Zeit” 
Lord's Prayer Lord's Prayer 
German Te Deum: “Herr Gott, dich loben wir” German Te Deum: “Herr Gott, dich loben wir” 
 Communion 
 Intonation: “Wir loben Gott den Vater” 
 Response from choir: “Und preisen ihn von nun an biß in Ewigkeit, Halleluja” 
Collect and blessing Collect 
Recessional hymn: “Ach bleib bei uns” Recessional hymn: “Ach bleib bei uns” 
Vespers (September 7), 1 p.m. 
 Bells at 12:30 and 1:00 
Intonation at the altar  
Hymn: “Wo Gott der Herr nicht bei uns hält” Hymn: “Wo Gott der Herr nicht bei uns hält” 
Reading: Psalm 85 Reading: Psalm 85 
German Gloria: “Allein Gott in der Höh' sei Ehr'” “In cities, a lovely psalm of thanksgiving musiciert; in villages, ‘Nun lob meine Seele den Herren’” 
[Sermon introduction]  
Hymn: “Ein feste Burg”  
Lord's Prayer Lord's Prayer 
Sermon on Psalm 124 (Christoph Laurentius) Sermon on Psalm 124 
 Special prayer 
Hymn: “Erhalt uns, Herr” Hymn: “Erhalt uns, Herr” 
Lord's Prayer Lord's Prayer 
German Magnificat German Magnificat (musicirt
Concerto: Saul, Saul, was verfolgst du mich?  
Hymn: “Nun lasst uns Gott den Herren” Hymn: “Nun lasst uns Gott den Herren” 
Collect and blessing Versicle, collect, and blessing 
Recessional hymn: “Ach bleib bei uns” Recessional hymn: “Ach bleib bei uns” 
As recorded in the Schlosskirche AmtsbuchPrescribed by the Instruction und Ordnunga
Vespers (September 6), 1 p.m. 
 Ringing of bells for 15 minutes 
Deus in adjutorium meum (chant)  
Psalm 100 (Heinrich Schütz, Becker Psalter)  
Hymn: “O Herre Gott, dein Göttlich Wort” German hymns: “O Herre Gott, dein Göttlich Wort,” “Erhalt uns, Herr, bei deinem Wort” 
Collect for peace  
Reading: Psalm 9 Psalm 9 (at the altar) 
Collect at the altar Collect at the altar 
Hymn: “In dich hab' ich gehoffet, Herr”  
Collect and blessing “The usual blessing” 
Gottesdienst (September 7), 7 a.m. 
 Ringing of bells at 6:00, 6:30, & 7:00 
Short praeambulum on the organ  
Introit: Psalm 100 (chanted at the altar with Gloria Patri) Introit: in cities, Psalm 100 (sung in German, musicirt); in villages without musicians, “Allein Gott in der Höh' sei Ehr'” 
Kyrie “A customary full-choir Mass” 
Gloria (chanted at the altar, response from the chancel)  
 Collect for peace 
Reading: Psalm 124 Reading: Psalm 124 at the altar 
Hymn: “Ein feste Burg” Hymn: “Ein feste Burg” 
Reading: Psalm 66 Reading: Psalm 66 
 “Where time allows, additional well-appointed music could be performed such as a Laudate [psalm] with voices and instruments” 
Creed Creed (sung) 
Hymn: “Erhalt uns, Herr” Pulpit hymn: “Erhalt uns, Herr” 
Lord's Prayer Lord's Prayer 
Sermon on Psalm [66] (Matthias Hoë von Hoënegg) Sermon on Psalm 66 “with application to the appointed festival of praise and thanksgiving and to the salvation that God granted one year ago on this day” 
 Special prayer 
Hymn: “Wär Gott nicht mit uns diese Zeit” Hymn: “Wär Gott nicht mit uns diese Zeit” 
Lord's Prayer Lord's Prayer 
German Te Deum: “Herr Gott, dich loben wir” German Te Deum: “Herr Gott, dich loben wir” 
 Communion 
 Intonation: “Wir loben Gott den Vater” 
 Response from choir: “Und preisen ihn von nun an biß in Ewigkeit, Halleluja” 
Collect and blessing Collect 
Recessional hymn: “Ach bleib bei uns” Recessional hymn: “Ach bleib bei uns” 
Vespers (September 7), 1 p.m. 
 Bells at 12:30 and 1:00 
Intonation at the altar  
Hymn: “Wo Gott der Herr nicht bei uns hält” Hymn: “Wo Gott der Herr nicht bei uns hält” 
Reading: Psalm 85 Reading: Psalm 85 
German Gloria: “Allein Gott in der Höh' sei Ehr'” “In cities, a lovely psalm of thanksgiving musiciert; in villages, ‘Nun lob meine Seele den Herren’” 
[Sermon introduction]  
Hymn: “Ein feste Burg”  
Lord's Prayer Lord's Prayer 
Sermon on Psalm 124 (Christoph Laurentius) Sermon on Psalm 124 
 Special prayer 
Hymn: “Erhalt uns, Herr” Hymn: “Erhalt uns, Herr” 
Lord's Prayer Lord's Prayer 
German Magnificat German Magnificat (musicirt
Concerto: Saul, Saul, was verfolgst du mich?  
Hymn: “Nun lasst uns Gott den Herren” Hymn: “Nun lasst uns Gott den Herren” 
Collect and blessing Versicle, collect, and blessing 
Recessional hymn: “Ach bleib bei uns” Recessional hymn: “Ach bleib bei uns” 
a

The instructions deliberately distinguish items performed as polyphonic or concerted music (musicirt) from simple chorales or chant.

Two themes governed the celebrations, reinforcing the political significance of Schütz's concerto: first, the clergy explained the origins of the war and justified the conflict as a struggle to thwart persecution; and secondly, they interpreted the Breitenfeld victory as evidence that God had protected them and punished their foes. The clearest example of the two themes together comes from the official prayer read after the confession and absolution at both services on September 7. It justifies the war on religious grounds, emphasizes the wrongs inflicted by Catholic aggressors, gives thanks for the victory in 1631, and requests the protection and further success of the Swedish and Saxon armies:

Almighty, faithful, merciful, all-knowing Lord and God: from you is not hidden how for a time the papists, as declared enemies of the true, blessed Christian religion, have raged and clamored against your whole little Evangelical Church in all places, but particularly against this electorate of Saxony (Ps. 2:2); what kind of poisonous attacks they have made against you and us; how they have striven to wipe us out that we shall no longer be a people (Ps. 83:3–5); that we should no longer have the freedom of our conscience and of pure, blameless worship. Oh great God, although you know well what kind of pernicious graves your and our enemies have dug for us (Ps. 32:5) and how they especially have striven to destroy and tread upon us Evangelicals, one and all, we remember yet, O dear God, with due thanks, that you have not given us over to the will of our enemies but have awakened Christian heroes (Judg. 3:9) and have given your people saviors (Neh. 9:27). We are particularly mindful of how, when a year ago today the enemies drew all their might together and with terrible wrath set upon your people, you, O great God, drove away our enemies, that they fell and perished before you; we have not forgotten how you have maintained our right and cause (Ps. 9:4–5) and have shown yourself as a just judge among us (Ps. 35:2); O invincible Lord and God, [we remember] that a year ago today you showed great salvation (Ps. 18:51) and did well through your anointed ones, the Royal Majesty of Sweden and Electoral Serenity of Saxony, our gracious elector and lord, and also both Christian armies; that you yourself contended for your people (Judg. 15:18) and solely through your unending goodness (1 Sam. 11:13; 2 Sam. 22:51) bestowed on us an exceedingly marvelous, wonderful, and most glorious victory against the antichrist enemies (2 Sam. 32:10, 12), thereby rescuing your own honor, reviving your wretched church, and saving us all, especially in this territory, from the hands of our persecutors (Exod. 14:14–15; Deut. 3:22).79 

The prayer thus frames the war as a fight against long-standing oppression by Catholics and the victory at Breitenfeld as having thwarted further persecution. It then pleads for further success in a war for religious liberty:

And since the enemies once again go forth to revolt against you and your word, because they still continually think to bring us heartache, and they further gnash their teeth over us … therefore the Royal Swedish and Electoral Saxon Armies are yet compelled to fight and struggle for your honor and the freedom of your church's conscience.80 

As in most political attacks of the period, the prayer avoids naming Ferdinand II directly. Rather it is the papacy—supposedly the true enemy misguiding the emperor—against which the harshest imprecations are directed:

Put our enemies, moreover, to flight; crush them like dust before the wind. Clear them away like dung on the streets (Ps. 18:43). Remember this, O Lord, that the enemy (the pope and his mob) revile You, the Lord, and that the foolish people have blasphemed your name (Ps. 74:18). … Arise, Lord, and topple the antichrist papacy, yet preserve your word among us, which is our heart's joy and bliss.81 

Although the prayer's authors conclude by circumscribing much of this rhetoric, eventually turning away from partisanship to lament the whole war, the overall political message is clear.

The same basic themes appear in the sermon delivered by the court preacher Christoph Laurentius at the Vespers service during which the Saul concerto was performed.82 Laurentius had served under Hoë von Hoënegg as third court preacher from 1613 and as second from 1619,83 and had frequently accompanied John George on diplomatic and military missions. In the preface to his sermon he even claimed to have narrowly escaped with his life at Breitenfeld when the enemy raided his baggage train, giving him still greater reason to give public thanks at the celebrations of the following year.84 

Like the official prayer, Laurentius's sermon justifies the war on the grounds of unjust oppression at the hands of Catholics. The enemy, according to the preacher, had invaded Saxony in order to return the territory to the control of the papacy and destroy Lutheranism:

We for our part have good cause to be mindful of and to take into consideration such [thanksgiving]. Exactly a year ago today, September 7, this land appeared truly desolate. The declared enemies of the Holy Gospel had evil in mind, in that, contrary to all spiritual and secular laws and against the holy religious and secular peace [of Augsburg] instituted so many years ago and approved by the entire empire, they mounted a hostile, ferocious invasion of this honorable electorate of Saxony with a cruel, strong army of many thousands of men well equipped with great cannons, frightful instruments and weapons, and all sorts of munitions, with the intention of forcing the whole territory, master and servant, beneath the papal yoke, and in a single stroke uprooting and destroying the entire remnant of the Evangelical Church.85 

In particular Laurentius considers Tilly's incursion into Saxony and the events leading up to Breitenfeld to be a form of persecution. Although he does not say so explicitly, his listeners would have known that the imperialists had crossed into Saxony not just to pillage and coerce contributions from the locals but also to enforce the Edict of Restitution, the violation of the Peace of Augsburg to which Laurentius alludes. Tilly aimed to seize the disputed ecclesiastical territories of Meissen, Merseburg, and Naumburg/Zeitz.

Furthermore, Laurentius claims that, had Tilly not been defeated, the suffering in Saxony would have been far worse:

The praiseworthy electorate of Saxony, with its incorporated ecclesiastical foundations, is a great, beautiful, holy, and glorious house, which the devilish fire-spouting papists would ruin and destroy entirely. In the middle of the territory lay General Count Tilly, who had already launched fire many times into the noble, dear city of Leipzig, hoping to finish off this worthy city as he had poor Magdeburg,86 [and] who had even taken and occupied [Leipzig] together with the fortress to his advantage: toward the west lay Holck, toward the south Altringer, toward the east Götz—all imperial commanders with great appetite and instructions that once Tilly had won the battle near Leipzig, thereupon they should fall upon all places within the praiseworthy electorate of Saxony and destroy them with robbery, plundering, murder, and burning to the ground, not unlike Antiochus, who made Jerusalem a grave, and Timothy, who wanted to kill off all the Jews.87 

After describing the damage, Laurentius states that “Almighty God … awakened two honorable heroes zealous for Christ,” the king of Sweden and the Elector of Saxony, who crushed and scattered the enemy.88 By this view, the victory was deserved punishment for the oppressors of Lutheranism.

The preacher ties this theme to the text of his sermon, Psalm 124. This psalm played a central role at the Breitenfeld anniversary services. Two hymns sung on September 7, “Wär Gott nicht mit uns diese Zeit” and “Wo Gott der Herr nicht bei uns hält,” paraphrase the psalm, and it was also read during the morning worship. The consistory likely recommended it because it credits God with rescuing Israel from unnamed enemies:

Ein Lied Dauids im höhern Chor. A song of Ascents; of David. 
Wo der HERR nicht bey vns were, So sage Jsrael. If the Lord had not been with us, thus Israel may say; 
2 Wo der HERR nicht bey vns were, Wenn die Menschen sich wider vns setzen. If the Lord had not been with us, when men rose up against us; 
3 So verschlüngen sie vns lebendig, Wenn jr zorn vber vns ergrimmet. Then they would have swallowed us alive, when their wrath was kindled against us; 
4 So erseuffte vns Wasser, Strömen giengen vber vnser Seele. Then the waters would have drowned us, the stream gone over our soul. 
5 Es giengen Wasser allzu hoch, Vber vnser Seele. The waters would have gone all too high over our soul. 
6 Gelobet sey der HERR, Das er vns nicht gibt zum Raube in jre Zeene. Blessed be the Lord, who has not given us as prey to their teeth. 
7 Vnser Seele ist entrunnen, Wie ein Vogel dem stricke des Voglers, Der strick ist zurissen, vnd wir sind los. Our soul has escaped as a bird from the snare of the fowler; the snare is torn and we are free. 
8 Vnser Hülffe stehet im Namen des HERRN, Der Himel vnd Erden gemacht hat.89  Our help remains in the name of the Lord, who made heaven and earth. 

The psalm, says Laurentius, illustrates two broad points relating to persecution and to God's rescue. First, it shows a “real description of the enemies of the true Christian church.”90 Laurentius first enumerates Israel's enemies, all the while drawing parallels with his own age:

With this first point we learn that above all other people in the word, Israel in particular, that is, the orthodox, who are God's people, have been subjected to many and great persecutions by tyrants … For as in the church of the Old Testament, Israel had his Esau who swore to kill him; as Abel his Cain, Isaac his Ishmael, David his Doeg, Elijah his Ahab and Jezebel; thus the Christian church still has her enemies and must be as a rose among thorns, must be alien in Mesech, and must live under the tents of Kedar with them that hate peace [Ps. 120:5–6]. … For the tyrants revolt and council with each other against the Lord and his anointed [Ps. 2:2]. Come, they say, let us destroy them, the Christians, that they might no longer be a people; that the name of Israel (the Lutherans) may be remembered no more [Ps. 83:5].91 

Turning to Christ's example in the New Testament, he continues a litany of the church's foes from that time to the present. Among his list of enemies are some that also appear on the broadsheet Typus ecclesiae (Figure 1): Nero, Pelagius, Arius, and the Babylonian Whore. Above all, he highlights the rise of the papacy: “Finally the antichrist papacy was founded by the devil, which, because it drank and consumed the most distinguished heretics, thus practiced great violence against the orthodox church.”92 Lastly, Laurentius declares, unnamed monarchs and tyrants—possibly an indirect reference to the emperor—have brought bloodthirsty and barbarous warfare against the poor and faithful. He points to the St. Bartholomew's Day massacre of 1572, warfare in the Netherlands, and the activities of the Catholic League and Spanish Inquisition.93 In conjunction with all these examples, the preacher explains, Psalm 124 shows how enemies have always persecuted and will continue to persecute the true church.

Secondly, Laurentius saw Psalm 124 as an offering of thanks by King David for the way God had “so paternally preserved his church through great distress and rescued it from such powerful, fierce enemies.”94 The preacher draws a parallel with the Swedish-Saxon alliance: because of the great danger to the “noble German nation” and the electorate of Saxony,

Behold, God finally not only awakened the spirit of his anointed, the most highly praised king of Sweden, so that out of heroic Christian zeal for the sufferings of the pure Evangelical religion, for German liberty and freedom, as well as for other pressing political reasons, His Royal Majesty finally set foot on German soil with vigorous prayer;95 but also after this the aforementioned Electoral Serenity of Saxony was compelled in the extreme to protect his faithful land and people from all unreasonable force through the sword entrusted to him by God and to enter into a war alliance.96 

Once more, the war was framed as a defense against persecution. Furthermore, using imagery paralleling the broadsheet shown in Figure 3, Laurentius credits God with calling the king and elector to arms and then leading them to victory.

Other elements in the liturgy similarly reinforced the notion that God had delivered the Saxons from their persecutors. The readings, all taken from the Psalms (9, 66, 85, and 124), give thanks for the victory and praise God for rescue from various troubles. In these psalms Lutherans saw themselves as the chastened but restored Israelites. The five readings spilled over into other parts of the celebrations. In addition to the sermon and two hymns based on Psalm 124, the congregation heard Psalm 66 expounded from the pulpit during the morning service. The published prayers, moreover, quote or cite Psalms 9 and 85.

Music, including Schütz's concerto, occupied a central place in the 1632 liturgy and helped to reinforce the celebration's major themes. The hymns chosen for the services addressed the church and/or persecution. Four of them—“Ein feste Burg,” “O Herre Gott, dein Göttlich Wort,” “Wo Gott der Herr nicht bei uns hält,” and “Wär Gott nicht mit uns diese Zeit”—appear in the 1625 Dresden hymnal under the heading “On the Christian Church.”97 All of these speak of conflict. The two based on Psalm 124, like Laurentius's sermon, appropriately express thanks for victory. Both of the services of September 7 ended with the hymn “Ach bleib bei uns,” listed in the Dresden 1632 hymnal under the heading “On God's Word and the Christian Church” (“Vom Wort Gottes / und der Christlichen Kirchen”).98 Stanzas 3, 4, and 8 offer prayers for the church's protection and the preservation of pure doctrine. The hymn “In dich hab' ich gehoffet, Herr,” a paraphrase of Psalm 31, likewise addresses themes of persecution. The Dresden hymnal lists it under the heading “On [Bearing a] Cross, Persecution, and Temptation” (“Vom Creutz / Verfolgung / und Anfechtung”).

Most of the hymns sung in 1632 are well known for their confessional polemics, especially “Ein feste Burg” and “Erhalt uns, Herr.” The fourth stanza of the hymn “O Herre Gott, dein Göttlich Wort,” moreover, offers reassurance that even the pope and emperor cannot harm those under God's protection:

Allein HErr du / must solches thun / You alone, Lord, must do such things, 
doch gar aus lauter gnaden. yet solely from pure grace. 
Wer sich des tröst / der ist erlöst / Whoever consoles himself in this, he is saved, 
vnd kan jhm niemand schaden. and no one can harm him. 
Ob wolten gleich / Bapst / Keyser reich / If pope, emperor, or empire wanted to 
sie vnd dein Wort vertreiben / expel you and your word, 
ist doch jhr Macht / gegn dir nichts geacht / against you their power is as nothing; 
sie werdens wol lassen bleiben. they will have to leave things alone. 

Similar polemics can be found in most of the other prescribed hymns.

Schütz's Setting of Acts 9

Although the Amtsbuch tells us merely that a concerto beginning with the words “Saul, Saul, was verfolgst du mich?” was performed in 1632, evidence suggests that the piece was by Schütz, that it resembled the setting of that text that he printed in the Symphoniae sacrae III in basic outline, and that he may have written the concerto specifically for the celebrations, so well does it align with the main themes of the services. The Amtsbuch scribe, probably Christoph Laurentius himself, offers no attribution for the piece, even though he mentions Schütz's setting of Psalm 100 from the Becker Psalter earlier on the same page. But the Amtsbuch scribes did not consistently record composers' names, and a more likely candidate than Schütz's Saul concerto would be hard to find: no other German settings of Acts 9 from this era are known, and Schütz's own ensemble would have performed it under the composer's leadership at the Dresden court where he had long been employed.

The version of Saul heard in 1632, moreover, probably resembled the piece Schütz published in 1650, at least in its basic overall shape. The Amtsbuch says nothing about scoring other than that it was a concerto. In theory, then, Schütz may have performed a version of Saul that was substantially different from the one printed later. But given the nature of the revisions he made to other works that were ultimately published in the Symphoniae sacrae III, it is likely that the printed version of Saul preserved the basic features of the earlier concerto. The five pieces in manuscript listed in Table 3, all from the court at Kassel, appear to have been copied around 1650.99 In all likelihood they came from models that predate the Symphoniae sacrae III, though precise dating is no longer possible. The two other works listed in Table 3 had already appeared in print well before 1650: SWV 48, a wedding concerto from 1619, and SWV 297, from the first volume of the Kleine geistliche Concerte (1636).100 When revising these works for print in 1650 Schütz sometimes made significant changes to them, but he consistently kept intact the text, the basic compositional material, and the overall structure. There are notable differences in instrumentation and musical detail between the manuscript versions of SWV 398a and 401a and their printed counterparts. Likewise, Schütz added two extra instrumental parts to and reworked several passages of the wedding concerto, SWV 48, when he reprinted it. There are fewer differences between the two versions of the concerto O Herr, hilf (SWV 297 and 402).101 The three vocal parts are essentially the same, the two versions differing primarily in key and accompanying instruments. In all cases the earlier versions have the same structural outline as the later ones and share most of their musical material. On the evidence of all these revisions, then, it is likely that while the version of Saul heard in 1632 might have been slightly different from the one printed in 1650, particularly in its scoring, the two probably had much in common.

Table 3

Older works potentially revised for the Symphoniae sacrae III

SWVTitleSourceScoringScoring in SsIII
398a Der Herr ist mein Hirt D-Kl,a 2o Mus. Ms. 49 s [1649] SAT, 2 vn, 3 trbn ad lib, bc; trbn parts inauthentic? SAT, 2 vn, 4vv and insts ad lib, bc 
401a In Dialogo. Mein Sohn, warum hast du uns das getan D-Kl, 2o Mus. Ms. 49 w [1649–50] SMezB, 2 vn, bc SMezB, 2 vn, 4vv and insts ad lib, bc 
297 [= 402] O Herr, hilf, o Herr, laß wohl gelingen Erster Theil kleiner geistlichen Concerten (Leipzig, 1636) SST, bc SST, 2 vn, bc 
406a O Jesu süß, wer dein gedenkt D-Kl, 2o Mus. Ms. 59 q [SSTT], 2 vn, bc (vocal parts missing) SSTT, 2 vn, bc 
48 [= 412] Siehe, wie fein und lieblich ist Der 133. Psalm (Leipzig, 1619)b SSATB, cornett/vn, vn/fl, vla/bn, bc SSATB, 2 vn, bn, 2 insts ad lib, bc 
416a Herr, wie lang willt du mein so gar vergessen? D-Kl, 2o Mus. Ms. 49 l [ca. 1650] SSATTB, 2 vn, 4 vla ad lib, bc SSATTB, 2 vn, 4 vla ad lib, bc 
418a Nun danket alle Gott D-Kl, 2o Mus. Ms. 52 c [1651–52] SSATTB, 2 vn, bc SSATTB, 2 vn, 4vv and insts ad lib, bc 
SWVTitleSourceScoringScoring in SsIII
398a Der Herr ist mein Hirt D-Kl,a 2o Mus. Ms. 49 s [1649] SAT, 2 vn, 3 trbn ad lib, bc; trbn parts inauthentic? SAT, 2 vn, 4vv and insts ad lib, bc 
401a In Dialogo. Mein Sohn, warum hast du uns das getan D-Kl, 2o Mus. Ms. 49 w [1649–50] SMezB, 2 vn, bc SMezB, 2 vn, 4vv and insts ad lib, bc 
297 [= 402] O Herr, hilf, o Herr, laß wohl gelingen Erster Theil kleiner geistlichen Concerten (Leipzig, 1636) SST, bc SST, 2 vn, bc 
406a O Jesu süß, wer dein gedenkt D-Kl, 2o Mus. Ms. 59 q [SSTT], 2 vn, bc (vocal parts missing) SSTT, 2 vn, bc 
48 [= 412] Siehe, wie fein und lieblich ist Der 133. Psalm (Leipzig, 1619)b SSATB, cornett/vn, vn/fl, vla/bn, bc SSATB, 2 vn, bn, 2 insts ad lib, bc 
416a Herr, wie lang willt du mein so gar vergessen? D-Kl, 2o Mus. Ms. 49 l [ca. 1650] SSATTB, 2 vn, 4 vla ad lib, bc SSATTB, 2 vn, 4 vla ad lib, bc 
418a Nun danket alle Gott D-Kl, 2o Mus. Ms. 52 c [1651–52] SSATTB, 2 vn, bc SSATTB, 2 vn, 4vv and insts ad lib, bc 
a

Kassel, Landesbibliothek und Murhardsche Bibliothek der Stadt Kassel.

b

Now lost but available to Spitta; see note 100 below.

Because several of the most notable features of Saul, Saul, was verfolgst du mich? fit the political context of 1632 so well, it is possible that Schütz actually wrote the work for the Breitenfeld celebrations. In particular, his unusually selective text aligns well with the idea of the battle as a victory over persecution. It gives no attention to Saul's subsequent conversion, and this is unusual. All other contemporary settings of Acts 9, some of which Schütz might have known, are Latin dialogues that set Saul's words as well as Christ's. One of the most often cited examples, Giacomo Moro da Viadana's Saule, Saule, cur me persequeris, although written for a single solo voice, sets the words of both Christ and Saul.102 (Presumably the singer can realize the dialogue in performance.) In addition, Schütz may have known Wert's setting of the same text, first published in 1581.103 Although this setting is for eight voices, Wert separates the singers into distinct groups when he wants to contrast the two speakers. Other settings, albeit published farther afield from Schütz, also set both Christ's and Saul's words, often in dialogue.104 At least two of these examples, those by Urban Loth and Giuseppe Giamberti, are explicitly intended for the Feast of the Conversion of St. Paul, which probably explains why their composers opted for a dialogue in which Saul takes an active role.

In Schütz's concerto, by contrast, Saul never speaks, nor does the listener hear the narrative. Even one of Christ's phrases (“Ich bin Jesus, den du verfolgest”) is omitted (see Table 1). As a result Saul's name is invoked solely in the context of his role as a persecutor. Schütz's listeners simply hear Christ accuse and then threaten: “Saul, Saul, why do you persecute me?” and “It will be hard for you to kick against the pricks.” Cut free from the rest of the narrative in Acts 9, this truncated text better fits the main themes of the Breitenfeld victory. In 1632 Saul's example was meant to illustrate not conversion but rather persecution thwarted by divine fiat. By analogy, Tilly's incursion into Saxony—so often mentioned as an act of persecution during the celebrations—had been halted by God at Breitenfeld.

The liturgical context of Saul within the Breitenfeld services may also explain the relationship between the piece's scoring and its relative brevity. One commentator, Martin Gregor-Dellin, has puzzled over what seems to be a contradiction: the shortness of the concerto—“hardly suited for a regular worship service”—combined with performing forces supposedly too large for an amateur group to use for devotion.105 But performed after the Magnificat as a kind of antiphon a shorter concerto such as Saul makes sense, while its lavish scoring fully suits the Breitenfeld celebrations.

Many of the most notable features of Schütz's music also accord with the celebrations by stressing the topic of persecution. The composer turns the phrase “Saul, Saul, was verfolgst du mich” into a ritornello. Modern interpreters have rightly focused on the ritornello as a strategy by which to give the music structure, but Schütz's ritornello also adds to his musical reading of the text through sheer repetition: the phrase returns again and again throughout the concerto, even dying away in the listeners' ears at the end. Furthermore, Schütz highlights the word “verfolgst” through dissonant parallel seconds (see Example 1).106 This is not just creative text painting: Schütz affectively highlights a word that represents one of the services' most prominent themes.

Example 1

Schütz, Saul, Saul, was verfolgst du mich?, mm. 1–5, with excerpt of recorded performance by Cantus Cölln and Concerto Palatino (dir. Konrad Junghänel), from Symphoniae sacre III, Harmonia Mundi, 2005, disc 2, track 8 (0:00–0:08)

Example 1

Schütz, Saul, Saul, was verfolgst du mich?, mm. 1–5, with excerpt of recorded performance by Cantus Cölln and Concerto Palatino (dir. Konrad Junghänel), from Symphoniae sacre III, Harmonia Mundi, 2005, disc 2, track 8 (0:00–0:08)

Example 1
Example 1

For the final ritornello Schütz makes several notable alterations, which Bettina Varwig has described in rhetorical terms as amplificatory.107 These have the effect of reinforcing Christ's accusations against Saul. First, the ritornello (mm. 60–65) dovetails with the previous section, making its return all the more surprising. Further heightening the excitement, at measure 65 the tenor begins to declaim boldly, “Saul, Saul,” over and over again in long notes. The tenor partbook instructs the vocalist to sing this passage forte. For emphasis Schütz repeats the tenor's long notes at ever higher pitches, moving from C to D and then to E (mm. 65–73). As a result the listener hears Saul's name declaimed repeatedly at increasing levels of intensity. Schütz had previously used this device as a way of emphasizing triumph in his Historia der Auferstehung Jesu Christi (Dresden, 1623). In the final chorus of this work the Evangelist declaims “Victoria” repeatedly, while the other two choirs sing a text from 1 Corinthians 15:57. Although the tenor in Saul does not seem to declaim such an unambiguous message of victory, the heightened repetitions of Saul's name strengthen the tone of accusation against him and emphasize Christ's triumph over his enemies.

The second part of Schütz's text, “Es wird dir schwer werden, etc.,” turns the listener's attention to the threat made against Saul. Here Schütz sets Christ's warning to Saul in a style approaching that of the sacred madrigals found in his Cantiones sacrae (1624) and Geistliche Chor-Music (1648). One marker of this style is the contrast between slow- and fast-moving subjects. Schütz juxtaposes the slower-moving statement of “Es wird dir schwer werden,” in quarter and half notes, with the words “wider den Stachel zu lecken,” sung mostly in faster note values (see Example 2). The latter phrase attempts to paint the word “lecken” (in this instance, “to kick”). If the footnote in Luther's 1545 Bible might serve as a guide, this verb has connotations of willful defiance.108 Schütz tries to depict the act of malicious kicking through the short ornamental figure in measure 27, expanded to a fast melisma when the text is repeated at measure 42. By contrast, although the first statement of “Es wird dir schwer werden” seems unremarkable, Schütz pushes it to extremes from measure 45 (see Example 3). Treating the subject in parallel thirds, creating many harsh cross-relations, the pairs of voices traverse a string of triads cycling through the circle of fifths from G to C, F, B-flat, E-flat (augmented), and A-flat, six chords in six measures. This striking harmonic audacity is rhetorical, helping the composer to illustrate the kind of extreme punishment that awaits Saul if he refuses to repent.

Example 2

Schütz, Saul, Saul, was verfolgst du mich?, mm. 24–28, with excerpt of recorded performance by Cantus Cölln and Concerto Palatino (dir. Konrad Junghänel), from Symphoniae sacre III, Harmonia Mundi, 2005, disc 2, track 8 (0:35–0:45)

Example 2

Schütz, Saul, Saul, was verfolgst du mich?, mm. 24–28, with excerpt of recorded performance by Cantus Cölln and Concerto Palatino (dir. Konrad Junghänel), from Symphoniae sacre III, Harmonia Mundi, 2005, disc 2, track 8 (0:35–0:45)

Example 2
Example 2
Example 3

Schütz, Saul, Saul, was verfolgst du mich?, mm. 45–57, with excerpt of recorded performance by the Dresdener Kammerchor (dir. Hans-Christoph Rademann), from Symphoniae sacre III, Carus, 2015, disc 2, track 8 (1:19–1:46)

Example 3

Schütz, Saul, Saul, was verfolgst du mich?, mm. 45–57, with excerpt of recorded performance by the Dresdener Kammerchor (dir. Hans-Christoph Rademann), from Symphoniae sacre III, Carus, 2015, disc 2, track 8 (1:19–1:46)

Example 3
Example 3

This moment in Saul might find a parallel in contemporary Protestant lampoons of Tilly's defeat at Breitenfeld. As John Roger Paas has shown, a whole series of satirical broadsheets and pamphlets mocking Tilly circulated throughout late 1631 and 1632.109 Many of these stem from an apocryphal story surrounding the failed negotiations between Tilly and John George in the weeks before Breitenfeld. One contemporary chronicler reported that

[the elector] now saw that [the imperialists] were determined to set upon the Saxon sweetmeats thus far spared. It should be borne in mind that one also tends to find dished up together with these [sweets] various sorts of nuts and decorative foods, which would be hard to bite. Therefore they ought to be careful not to crack their teeth on them. There might be many still even among the sweetmeats.110 

The authenticity of this story is doubtful, but however it originated the press took it up and used it to mock Tilly after his defeat.111 One of the most famous examples is the broadsheet titled Sächsisch Confect, which shows Tilly reaching for a table full of cups and dishes variously labeled “regio,” “religio,” “vita,” “libertas,” and so on (see Figure 4). Gustav Adolf and John George, the latter standing on blocks labeled “good cause” and “hope infallible,” rebuff Tilly with the rod of “good conscience.” In another broadsheet, titled Der alte Teutsche Zahnbrecher, Tilly is having his teeth pulled after eating too many Saxon sweets (see Figure 5). In the background his troops stream over the horizon, presumably injured in battle and also complaining of toothache.112 

Figure 4

Broadsheet Sächsisch Confect (1631), detail, exemplar from the Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel, Sig. Einbl. Xb FM 80. Used by permission.

Figure 4

Broadsheet Sächsisch Confect (1631), detail, exemplar from the Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel, Sig. Einbl. Xb FM 80. Used by permission.

Figure 5

Broadsheet Der alte Teutsche Zahnbrecher (1632) (VD17 14:003854B; Paas P-1694), detail, exemplar from the Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel, Sig. IH 183. Used by permission.

Figure 5

Broadsheet Der alte Teutsche Zahnbrecher (1632) (VD17 14:003854B; Paas P-1694), detail, exemplar from the Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel, Sig. IH 183. Used by permission.

These broadsheets might have an echo in Schütz's concerto. Christ's warning to Saul—“Es wird dir schwer werden”—resembles John George's alleged threat of cracking Tilly's sweet tooth, especially if we hear the word “schwer” with its double meaning of hard and difficult. But even if Christ's words did not bring to mind this particular story, Schütz's music in measures 45–57 (Example 3) seems to single out the phrase “Es wird dir schwer werden” in such a way that his listeners might have heard in it the same kind of tongue-in-cheek mockery of the defeated Tilly that we find in the numerous lampoons that appeared after Breitenfeld. In these respects Schütz's musical choices reinforce the political message that his listeners likely heard in his text.

Schütz, Sacred Music, and Politics at the Dresden Court

The 1632 Breitenfeld celebrations show how Schütz's sacred music became enmeshed in the confessional politics of the Thirty Years War. As a court employee Schütz would probably have had to participate in the Schlosskirche celebrations, whether or not he sympathized with the elector and the war. In all likelihood, though, his personal views differed little from those of most other Saxons. One of his letters from earlier in the year, for example, expresses the typical Protestant view of the war in the wake of Breitenfeld. In April 1632 Schütz wrote to Philipp Hainhofer in Augsburg:

In yesterday's sermon for Jubilate Sunday, our senior court preacher, H[err] D[octor] Hoë [von Hoënegg], stated that the Protestant Church up to the present, because of the great oppression at the hands of the Catholics, also suffered much misery, but that the Lord Christ now has begun anew to gladden the hearts of many thousands, even a hundred thousand, in Upper Germany, and Augsburg in particular, and moreover beautifully applied the current situation to the Gospel. Inasmuch as I have also been personally moved by this, I offer heartfelt congratulations to my Most Benevolent Lord and our fellow Christians in Augsburg on the occasion of this restored freedom of conscience, and wish for them what was in the conclusion of yesterday's Gospel: namely, that the joy with which the Lord Christ has begun to gladden the many thousands of hearts in Augsburg can never again be taken from them by anyone [John 16:16–23]. Amen.113 

Although Schütz fails to mention Sweden and Gustav Adolf, the parties responsible for the waxing fortunes of Augsburg's Protestants, his remarks about the war are very much in line with the official justifications for it that would be expressed publicly at the Breitenfeld anniversary celebrations a few months later.

Schütz's letter also provides a good example of the way in which a public sermon might help to spread news of and officially interpret the events of the war. It even implies that Schütz learned of the capture of Augsburg from Hoë's sermon. His remarks confirm in miniature the important role that might be played by regular worship services, not to mention special celebrations, in the dissemination of information and shaping of opinion, even at cosmopolitan courts. Through sermons, prayer, and song, the state church in Saxony helped to justify and mobilize support for the war.

There is much historical evidence to suggest that the 1632 performance of Saul was not the only occasion on which Schütz's sacred music became political. His neo-Latin political works offer the most obvious examples: he performed both the Syncharma musicum (SWV 49) and the Teutoniam dudum belli (SWV 338) in Breslau in 1621, when the Silesian estates swore an oath of fealty to the Saxon elector, and he wrote his setting of Da pacem / Vivat Moguntinus (SWV 465) for the 1627 meeting of the college of electors in Mühlhausen. The political aims of these works are easy to surmise from their neo-Latin texts. But Schütz also performed sacred music with biblical texts at political events. One of these was the Reformation Jubilee in 1617, already well documented, and the recent rediscovery of the Amtsbuch has drawn attention to a few others.114 At the 1631 meeting of the territorial estates (the Landtag), for example, Schütz directed a concerto on Psalm 68, Es stehe Gott auf.115 Once again the Amtsbuch scribe does not actually attribute the work to Schütz, and because he wrote at least two settings of this psalm, one of which is now lost, we cannot be sure which piece was performed.116 Whatever the musical setting, however, the choice of Psalm 68 would have been highly appropriate to the political challenges faced by the Saxon estates in June 1631, at which point the electorate was engaged in last-minute negotiations with the emperor but had already begun to arm. With its cry to God to destroy his enemies, Psalm 68:1–3 was an ideally belligerent text by which to rouse Saxony's Lutheran estates and persuade them to finance the building up of the elector's military.117 

Sacred music by other well-known composers was similarly performed at political events throughout Lutheran Saxony during the war. Johann Hermann Schein's music for the yearly Leipzig Ratswahl—the largely symbolic city council elections—often took on themes relating to imperial confessional politics.118 The Amtsbuch shows that one of these pieces, Verleih uns Frieden gnädiglich (Give us peace in your mercy), first performed for the Leipzig Ratswahl in 1621, was heard again in the Schlosskirche in 1640 during another meeting of the Landtag, over a decade after Schein's death.119 The composer had originally titled it Votum pro pace in the printed set of parts that were issued in honor of the Leipzig city council. Whether or not listeners in Dresden at the 1640 Landtag knew the original title, it is clear that the work's text—stitched together from Luther's translation of the collect “Da pacem, Domine” and a chorale by Johann Walter—still resonated after over two decades of war.

Postscript: Saul in Print

Even though Schütz's Saul concerto was not published until 1650, almost twenty years after the Breitenfeld celebrations, the composer must have believed that his buyers would still find a reason to perform it. As Winterfeld first pointed out, Saul might have been deemed appropriate for the Feast of the Conversion of St. Paul (January 25), a feast whose Epistle reading was Acts 9120 and that was still observed in central Germany in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.121 It was not, however, among the most important days in the Lutheran church calendar, and elaborate music such as Schütz's would probably not have been usual on such a feast. In Dresden by 1650 feasts of the Apostles were omitted entirely if they fell on a Sunday; otherwise they were moved to coincide with the weekly Wednesday or Friday sermons.122 In the late seventeenth century the court at Weissenfels observed these feasts in the same manner.123 Johann Philipp Krieger's diary of performances at Weissenfels, one of the most detailed sources of this sort from the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, shows that it was usual for two pieces of music to be performed on such occasions, one before and one after the sermon.124 Variety seems to have been the rule: Krieger performed concerted settings of biblical texts and chorales, as well as newer Italian-style cantatas.125 Fewer elaborate pieces were heard than on the more important days, and the diary lists no polyphonic or concerted Mass Ordinary settings. Even so, the works listed in the inventory suggest that a piece such as Schütz's Saul would not have been entirely out of place on such a feast in Lutheran courts across central Germany.

The early reception of Schütz's Saul after its publication unfortunately remains a mystery. Krieger never performed a piece whose incipit matches any portion of Acts 9, nor do inventories or surviving manuscript collections from across the century include settings of Saul, Saul, was verfolgst du mich?, by Schütz or anyone else. As much as we would like to think of Saul as a milestone in seventeenth-century music, its immediate reception has left few traces outside the surviving partbooks.

The brief note scribbled into the Amtsbuch points to one occasion, at least, on which Saul, Saul, was verfolgst du mich? was performed. More importantly, it sheds light on what it might have meant to Schütz and his Lutheran listeners. The work's biblical text had powerful resonances with contemporary religious persecution, resonances that can only have been reinforced by the performance of Saul in 1632. Schütz's vibrant music evoked his listeners' worst fears over the perilous condition of their state and religion; it celebrated the defeat of their foes, bolstered Saxony's official justification for war as self-defense against tyrannical persecution, and helped to cultivate the image of a politically and confessionally unified Swedish-Saxon alliance. It shows in nuce how Schütz was able to harness the most up-to-date expressive and structural techniques of the concerted style, absorbed during his trips to Italy, in support of the war and the Lutheran confession.

Appendix

Amtsbuch, Handwritten Order of Liturgy for the 1632 Breitenfeld Anniversary in the Dresden Schlosskirche126

Verzeügnüs, wie es Anno 1632. am 7. Sept. auf dem angestelten Lob- vnd Danckfest, wegen erlangter Victori in der Schlacht beÿ Breitenfeld für Leipzigk, in der Churf. Schloßk. alhier ist gehalten worden. Register of how, in the year 1632 on September 7, the festival of praise and thanksgiving for the victory attained in the battle at Breitenfeld near Leipzig was celebrated here in the electoral Schlosskirche
Vor allen diengen hat auf Churf. Durchl. zu Sachßen gn. Befehl der Churf. S. Oberhoffprediger vnd Geistliche Rath Herr D. Matthias Hoë etc.127 eine Instruction, Formular der Abkündigung, vnd 2. Gebet, so nach der Frü v[nd]. mittags Predigt abgelesen worden, selbst gestellen, nach welcher Anordnung den 6. Sept. zuvor zur Vesper gesung worden: 1. Intonatio. D[eu]s in [adjutorium] etc. 2. der 100. Psalm ex Beccero, à 4. Dn. Henr. Schüzen Churf. Capellmeisters. 3. O Herre Gott dein Göttlich wort etc. 4. Collect pro pace. Lectio 9. Psalmi & precu[m] ad Altare. 5. In dich hab gehoffet Herr etc. vnd ist darauf mit der Collect v. Segen beschloßen. Den folgenden 7. Sept. hat man umb 7. Vhr den Gottesdienst folgend gestalt verrichtet. 1. Ein kurz praeambulum ist auf der Orgel geschlagen: 2. Worauf pro Introitu aus dem 100. Ps. Jauchtzet dem Herrn intoniert worden für dem Altar: wie auch nach endung des Ps. fürs Altar intonirt worden: Ehre seÿ dem Vater v[nd]. dem Sohn v. auch dem H. Geiste. 3. Kyrie, Christe, Kyrie eleyson: danach das Gloria fürn Altar: vnd dann aufm Chor Et in terra pax etc. 4. Lection anstat der Epistel der 124. Ps. 5. Ein feste Burgk etc. 6. Lection anstat des Evang. der 66. Ps. 7. Wir gläuben etc. 8. Auf der Canzel vor dem Vat. Vnser: Erhalt uns Herr etc. 8. Concio ex Ps. [66]129 so Herr D. Hoë mit grosem lob verrichtet. 9. nach der Predigt vor dem Vat. Vn. Wer Gott nicht etc. 10. finitâ conc. Herr Gott dich etc. 11. Collect vnd Segen. 12. Im hienausgehen: Ach bleib beÿ vns H. Jesu Christ etc. Zur Vesper Predigt ist alsbald im 1. Vhr angefangen worden 1. Intonirt fürn Altar. 2. Wo Gott der H. nicht beÿ etc. 3. Lectio des 85. Ps. fürn Altar. 3. Allein Gott in der etc. 4. vor den Vater Vnser: Ein feste Burgk, darauf Concio aus dem 124 Ps. so M. Christophorus Laurentius verrichtet. 5. Nach der Predigt vor [de]n Vat. Vn. Erhalt vns Herr. 6. Finitâ Concione Ein teütsch Magnif. 7. Ein concert, Saul, Saul was verfolgstu mich. 8. Nun laß vns Gott etc. 9. Collect vnd Seg. 10. Jm herausgeh: Ach bleib bey uns Herr Jesu Christ etc. Above all, at the gracious command of the Serene Elector of Saxony, the electoral Saxon senior court preacher and spiritual council Herr Matthias Hoë, etc., fashioned an Instruction, Formula of notice, and two prayers to be read after the early and midday sermon, according to which decree, on September 6, the day before the festival, was sung at Vespers: 1) Intonation, “Deus in adjutorium,” etc. 2) The 100th Psalm from Becker's Psalter, à 4, Herr Heinrich Schütz, electoral chapel master.128 3) “O Herre Gott, dein Göttlich Wort,” etc. 4) Collect for peace. Lesson, 9th Psalm & prayers at the altar. 5) “In dich hab' [ich] gehoffet, Herr,” etc., and after this [the service] concluded with the collect and blessing. On the following [day], September 7, at seven o'clock, the worship service took the following form: 1) A short praeambulum was played on the organ. 2) After which, for the Introit, “Jauchzet dem Herrn,” from the 100th Psalm, was intoned from the altar, as was after the end of the psalm “Glory be to the Father and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit.” 3) Kyrie, Christe, Kyrie eleison, after which the Gloria from the altar and then “Et in terra pax,” etc., from the chancel. 4) Lesson, instead of the Epistle the 124th Psalm. 5) “Ein feste Burg,” etc. 6) Lesson, instead of the Gospel the 66th Psalm. 7) “Wir glauben,” etc. 8) From the pulpit before the Lord's Prayer, “Erhalt uns, Herr,” etc. 8) Sermon delivered by Herr Hoë with great praise. 9) After the sermon before the Lord's Prayer, “Wär Gott nicht [mit uns diese Zeit],” etc. 10) At the sermon's end, “Herr Gott, dich [loben wir],” etc. 11) Collect and blessing. 12) During the recessional, “Ach bleib bei uns, Herr Jesu Christ,” etc. For the Vespers service begun soon after at one o'clock: 1) Intonation from the altar. 2) “Wo Gott der Herr nicht bei [uns hält],” etc. 3) Reading of the 85th Psalm from the altar. 3) “Allein Gott in der [Höh' sei Ehr'],” etc. 4) Before the Lord's Prayer “Ein feste Burg,” after which a sermon on the 124th Psalm delivered by Christoph Laurentius. 5) After the sermon before the Lord's Prayer, “Erhalt uns, Herr.” 6) At the end of the oration, a German Magnificat. 7) A concerto, Saul, Saul, was verfolgst du mich. 8) “Nun lasst uns Gott [den Herren],” etc. 9) Collect and blessing. 10) During the recessional, “Ach bleib bei uns, Herr Jesu Christ,” etc. 

Works Cited

Works Cited
Manuscript Sources
Dresden, Landeskirchenarchiv der Ev.-Luth. Landeskirche Sachsens (D-Dlk)
Amtsbuch, Best. 92, Nr. 2
Dresden, Sächsisches Staatsarchiv, Hauptstaatsarchiv (D-Dla)
10006 Oberhofmarschallamt, I, Nr. 7, “Reise nach Leipzig auf den Evang. Konvent-Tag, 1631”
10024 Geheimer Rat, Loc. 7435/13, “Anordnungen wegen Anstellung und Zelebrierung der Lob- und Dankfeste für verliehene Viktorien”
10024 Geheimer Rat, Loc. 9227/1, 109, “Buch, Kriegswesen im Reich”
Primary Sources130 
Abelinus, Johann Philipp. Theatri Europaei, Das ist: Historischer Chronick / Oder Warhaffter Beschreibung aller fürnehmen und denckwürdigen Geschichten / so sich hin und wider in der Welt / meisten theils aber in Europa / von Anno Christi 1629. biß auff das Jahr 1633. zugetragen: Insonderheit / was auff das im Reich publicirte Keyserliche / die Restitution der Geistlichen von den Protestierenden in Teutschlandt eingezogenen Güter / betreffende Edict / so wol in Kriegs- als Politischen und andern Sachen / zwischen den Catholischen / eines: so dann den Evangelischen mit Assistentz deß Königs in Schweden / andern Theils / erfolget: Der Ander Theil. Revised by Johann Flittner. Frankfurt am Main: Merian, 1637 (VD17 3:312207Q). Digitized by the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, http://www.mdz-nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn=urn:nbn:de:bvb:12-bsb10802271-0.
Albanus, Franz. Revocation und Confessions Predigt / Francisci Albani Vangionis, Th.D. gewesenen Pfarrer der Königlichen Freyen Bergstadt S. Jochimsthal: Gehalten in der Pfarkirchen zu Wittenberg / den 10. Sontag nach Trinitatis. Wittenberg: Seelfisch, 1636 (VD17 547:673192L). Digitized by the Staats- und Stadtbibliothek Augsburg, http://www.mdz-nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn=urn:nbn:de:bvb:12-bsb11229714-9.
Ander Theil des Dreszdenischen Gesangbuchs. Dresden: Gimel Bergen, Andreas Krüger, 1632 (VD17 12:122708Y). Digitized by the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, http://www.mdz-nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn=urn:nbn:de:bvb:12-bsb10525051-0.
Christliche Anordnung / Nach welcher / Das Lob: und Danck-Fest / In den Evangelischen Kirchen der Stadt Erffurt und dero gebiete auff dem Lande / Den 6. und 7. Septembris nechstkünfftig celebrirt werden sol. [Erfurt]: Spangenberg, 1632 (VD17 39:109795H).
Formula, Wie den 14. Sontag nach Trinitatis / Anno 1632. das instehende Danck und Lobfest / alsobald nach gehaltener Predigt / und noch vor ablesung der Beicht und gemeinen Gebete / von allen Cantzeln im gantzen Churfürstenthumb Sachssen / solle publiciret und verkündiget werden. Dresden: Gimel Bergen, 1632 (VD17 14:065062C). Digitized by the Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Sachsen-Anhalt, http://digitale.bibliothek.uni-halle.de/urn/urn:nbn:de:gbv:3:1-35117.
Gebet / So auff das angestellte Christliche Lob- und DanckFest / Den 7. Septembris, Anno 1632. im gantzen Churfürstenthumb Sachssen auff allen Cantzeln / nach der Beicht und Absolution offentlich / vor und nach Mittag sollen abgelesen werden. Dresden: Gimel Bergen, 1632 (VD17 14:065066H). Digitized by the Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Sachsen-Anhalt, http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:gbv:3:1-28273.
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Instruction, Und Ordnung / Nach welcher in unsern Von Gottes gnaden / Johann Georgens / Hertzogen zu Sachssen … Churfürstenthumb und Landen das instehende Christliche Lob und Danckfest auff den 6. und 7. Septemb. an jetzo solle gehalten und gefeyret werden. Dresden: Gimel Bergen, 1632 (VD17 14:065059Z). Digitized by the Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Sachsen-Anhalt, http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:gbv:3:1-28349-p0002-8.
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Kurtze / jedoch gründliche / und warhaffte Relation, Aus was Ursachen … Graff Johan von Tylli … Leipzig den 6. Septembris, dieses lauffenden Jahrs … eröbert / Des Tags hernach aber Von Ihrer Königlichen Majestät zu Schweden … und Churfürstl. Durchlauchtigkeit zu Sachsen … vor jetztgedachter Stadt / außm Felde geschlagen. Leipzig: Ritzsch, 1631 (VD17 3:626460P). Digitized by the Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Sachsen-Anhalt, http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:gbv:3:1-27952.
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Notes

Notes
Earlier versions of this article were presented at the annual meeting of the American Musicological Society, Louisville, KY, November 2015, as well as at Midwest and Allegheny chapter meetings, and at the annual conference of the Society for Seventeenth-Century Music, New York, NY, April 2012. Portions of the article were greatly assisted by support from the Fritz Thyssen Stiftung, which provided a research fellowship in the summer of 2015 at the Forschungsbibliothek Gotha; by the musicology department at the Indiana University Jacobs School of Music, for a dissertation-year fellowship; and by the Archival Summer Seminar supported by the German Historical Institute in Washington, DC. I am particularly grateful to Mary Frandsen, Gregory Johnston, Daniel R. Melamed, Kristina Muxfeldt, and Beate Agnes Schmidt for their help with this research. In citing and quoting from early modern German printed material I have retained the spelling, punctuation, and capitalization of the original publications.
1.
The secondary literature on Saul is extensive. In addition to general surveys of Baroque music, see Winterfeld, Johannes Gabrieli, 2:197–98; Moser, Heinrich Schütz, 622–25; Heinemann, Heinrich Schütz, 142–43; Köhler, Heinrich Schütz, 164–65; Smallman, Schütz, 137–39; and Smallman, Music of Heinrich Schütz, 89–90. Saul has also attracted more specialist scholarly attention, much of it applying ideas from early modern rhetoric; see Linfield, “Rhetoric, Rhythm, and Harmony”; Varwig, “‘Mutato semper habitu’”; and Unger, Die Beziehungen zwischen Musik und Rhetorik, 138–40.
2.
Winterfeld, Johannes Gabrieli, 2:197.
3.
Scholars since Spitta have known that Schütz wrote some of the works in the Symphoniae sacrae III across several decades; see Schütz, Symphoniae sacrae … Erste Abtheilung, v–ix. See also Werner Breig's preface to Schütz, Symphoniae sacrae III (1650), xiv, and Table 3 of this article.
4.
D-Dlk, Amtsbuch, Best. 92, Nr. 2. I would like to thank the Landeskirchenarchiv for providing me with photocopies of the original document. For a description of the source and an overview of its contents, see Raddatz-Breidbach, “Dynastie und Kirchenordnung,” 229–45. A facsimile of the page in question has been reprinted in Jeßberger, “‘Soll die gantze Musica auffwarten,’” 164.
5.
For a general overview of this type of source, see Hartmann, “Amtsbücher.”
6.
The orders are located on fols. 198v–204v, with the one for the 1632 Breitenfeld celebrations on fol. 199r.
7.
Without being able to point to specific pieces, several earlier scholars have suggested that Schütz wrote music for these celebrations; see Breig, “Schütz, Heinrich,” and Heinemann, Heinrich Schütz, 36.
8.
This has led to some confusion over Schütz's textual source in the secondary literature. Eva Linfield mistakenly insists that it was Acts 26, because only there did she find the phrase “Es wird dir schwer werden”: Linfield, “Rhetoric, Rhythm, and Harmony,” 239. This is the case, however, only in modern editions of Luther's Bible. His original translation, in use well past Schütz's era, presents the phrase in both Chapter 9 and Chapter 26, and Luther's own sermon on Acts 9 also expounds on the phrase; see Luther, D. Martin Luthers Werke … Schriften, 51:144. The texts in Table 1 are transcribed from Schütz's original publication of 1650 (Schütz, Symphoniarum sacrarum tertia pars) and from an early seventeenth-century edition of Luther's 1545 translation of the Bible, the orthography of which closely matches Schütz's (Luther, Biblia).
9.
Luther, D. Martin Luthers Werke … Die Deutsche Bibel, 6:451: “Saulus aber schnaubete noch mit drewen vnnd morden, wider die Jünger des HErrn, vnd gieng zum Hohenpriester, vnd bat jn vmb brieue gen Damascon an die Schulen, auff das, so er etliche dieses weges fünde, Menner vnnd Weiber, er sie gebunden führete gen Jerusalem. Vnd da er auff dem wege war, vnd nahe bei Damascon kam, vmbleuchtet jn plötzlich ein Liecht vom himel, vnd fiel auff die erden, vnd höret ein stimme, die sprach zu jm, Saul, Saul, was verfolgestu mich? Er aber sprach, HErr, wer bistu? Der HErr sprach, Jch bin Jhesus, den du verfolgest. Es wird dir schweer werden wider den Stachel lecken. Vnd er sprach mit zittern vnd zagen, HErr, was wiltu das ich thun sol? Der HErr sprach zu jm, Stehe auff, vnd gehe in die Stad, da wird man dir sagen, was du thun solt.” English translation adapted from the King James Version.
10.
In addition to the standard histories of the Thirty Years War cited in note 32 below, which outline the era's confessional politics, a number of recent historical studies examine specific facets of seventeenth-century religious strife and confessional migration in central Europe; see Louthan, Converting Bohemia; Schunka, Gäste, die bleiben; and Wäntig, Grenzerfahrungen.
11.
The exact date of this broadsheet is not known, but Harms et al. have estimated it to be the mid-seventeenth century, the engraving being modeled almost exactly on one of 1570 by Matthias Zündt of Nuremberg. Although both probably addressed Protestant readers, their images and texts, including the quotation of Acts 9, appeared on broadsheets of varying confessions from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century. See Harms et al., Deutsche illustrierte Flugblätter, 3:110–11.
12.
For a detailed description of the image, see ibid.
13.
“Die Apostelen[,] Die Patriarchen, Propheten, Marteler vnd alle die so Got in rechtem glauben gekant haben.” Translations are my own unless otherwise noted.
14.
Megander, Paulus illuminatus et renatus. The sermon had a dual purpose: Megander expounded Acts 9 while also honoring his patron Duke John Philip of Saxony on his birthday, January 25, the Feast of the Conversion of St. Paul.
15.
He apparently set up a printing press in Pirna in order to send Czech-language devotional and polemical material back to Bohemia. Biographical information comes from Walther, Thüringer Pfarrerbuch, vol. 6, and Winter, Die tschechische und slowakische Emigration, 31.
16.
Megander, Paulus illuminatus et renatus, Ci v: “Allhier / jhr Geliebte / wenn wir zeit hetten / könten wir nun füglichen eine comparation vnd vergleichung anstellen zwischen Saulo vnd seinem rechtmässigen Nachkommen / des Babsts zu Rom / der Jesuiten / Sauliten vnd Edomiten / denn ja kein Ey / keine Milch der andern so gleich vnd ehnlich sihet / als Saulus einem Spanischen vnd Sathanischen Inquisitorn haereticae pravitatis, wie man sie auff Römisch nennet / er agiret ex profesio einen Jesuitischen Emissarium, Spür= vnd Bluthund / der alles außgrübelt / außstanckert / erforschet / aus vnd herfür sucht / was er den armen Lutherischen zu jhrer eussersten Verfolgung / Verwüstung vnd Vntergang dienstlichen vnd nöthig zu seyn erachtet.” The reference to eggs and milk is an allusion to Plautus's comedy Menaechmi (The Two Menaechmuses, or The Twin Brothers), 5.9.30: “Believe me, water isn't more similar to water anywhere or milk to milk than he is to you and you in turn to him” (“neque aqua aquae nec lacte est lactis, crede mi, usquam similius quam hic tui est, tuque huius autem”): Plautus, Plautus, 2:540–41.
17.
Megander, Paulus illuminatus et renatus, Cii v: “Ach daß doch auch vnsern Verfolgern / vnsern Gut= vnd Blutgierigen Feinden / einmahl eine solche oder dergleichen Majestätische Schreckstimme in jhren Ohren / als ein mächtiger Donnerkeil erschallen / jhr Hertz / Marck vnd Bein durchdringen wolte / daß sie doch zurück vnd an den HErrn gedächten / der droben im Himmel sitzt / vnd jhres Vorhabens lachet vnd spottet Psal. 2,4.”
18.
For a detailed description of the genre and its historical context, see Schunka, “Transgressionen.”
19.
Luther, “Preface to the Complete Edition,” 328.
20.
Albanus, Revocation und Confessions Predigt, 14: “die Leuthe mit jhrem eigen Schwerdt zu schlagen.”
21.
Ibid., 15: “gantz vnd gar wohl fundirt in H. Göttlicher Schrifft.”
22.
Ibid., 15–16: “Was solte Jch nun thun / ich hörete die Stimme Christi in meinem Hertzen / Saule, Saule, quid me persequeris? Du armseliger Mensch / was verfolgestu Christum in seinen Gliedern / vnd all die diesen Namen anruffen? Actor. 9. Hie ist der Finger Gottes / Exod. 8. v. 19. Es wird dir schwer werden / wieder den Stachel zulecken / ist dirs nicht gnug / daß du selbst verdirbest / wiltu noch darzu andere mit dir verführen?” Albanus eventually traveled to Dresden and presented his intentions to Matthias Hoë von Hoënegg and the Oberconsistorium, thereafter studying in Wittenberg under the supervision of the theological faculty.
23.
Other quotations or references to Acts 9 in Revocationspredigten include Riedinger, Anima reformata, Ai v, and Hopsius, Revocations Predig, Aii r, 36; the latter sermon was symbolically delivered on the Feast of the Conversion of St. Paul.
24.
Kesler, Patientia Christiana: Außfürlicher Tractat von der Kirchen Christi Persecution oder Verfolgung bey diesen betrübten Zeiten.
25.
Ibid., 314–15, 355–56, 587–90.
26.
Ibid., 583.
27.
Goldammer, Newer Catholischer Artickelsbrieff, Biv r: “Da denn zu mercken / wenn die Christen angefochten werden / so nennets der HErr sein eigen Anfechtung / wie er denn auch die Verfolgung / so den Christen wiederfehret / auff sich zeugt / Act. 9.5. Saul / Saul / was verfolgestu mich / da doch Saul nicht den HErrn Christum / welcher allbereit gen Himmel gefahren war / sondern nur seine Jünger vnd Gliedmassen verfolgete.” Goldammer's subtitle reveals his intended readership: “nine articles … are proposed to those who through current persecution would join the papacy whether voluntarily or enticed or compelled. … Written as an earnest warning.” Almost nothing is known about Goldammer; see Grünberg, Sächsisches Pfarrerbuch.
28.
Luther, Sermons … Chapters 6–8, 149.
29.
Luther, Sermons … Chapters 14–16, 276.
30.
Luther, D. Martin Luthers Werke … Schriften, 51:140: “er ein Morder gewesen und Blut vergossen hat”; “er auch den Namen des HERRn geschendet und gelestert hat”; for an English translation of the sermon, see Luther, Sermons V, 370–84.
31.
Luther, D. Martin Luthers Werke … Schriften, 51:142–43.
32.
Accounts and analysis of the broader historical events described here may be found in Kampmann, Europa und das Reich; Parker, Thirty Years' War; Roberts, Gustavus Adolphus; Wilson, Thirty Years War; and Asch, Thirty Years War.
33.
Dresden's loyalty to the empire and to the House of Habsburg had roots in the War of Schmalkalden (1546–47), in which John George's great uncle, Maurice of Saxony, had turned against his fellow Protestants and sided with Emperor Charles V. In return Charles gave him the title of elector, taken from his defeated second cousin John Frederick I. As a result Maurice's heirs, the Albertine line of the House of Wettin, continued to ally with the Habsburgs despite religious differences. See Gotthard, “Johann Georg I,” 137–39.
34.
On Saxony's political goals and policies in the early seventeenth century, see Müller, Kursachsen und der Böhmische Aufstand, esp. 463–67; Gotthard, “Politice seint wir bäpstisch”; Gotthard, “Wer sich salviren könd”; and Gotthard, “Johann Georg I.”
35.
As Frank Müller has noted, Saxony in particular protested Wallenstein's conduct at the college of electors in Mühlhausen in 1627, a sign of the growing distance between Dresden and Vienna: Müller, Kursachsen und der Böhmische Aufstand, 470.
36.
Gotthard, “Politice seint wir bäpstisch,” 312–13.
37.
Medick, “Historical Event”; Roberts, Gustavus Adolphus, 2:496–502; Lahne, Magdeburgs Zerstörung.
38.
All dates here follow the Julian calendar, still in use in Protestant Germany.
39.
Kaiser, Politik und Kriegführung, 430–31; Wittich, Magdeburg, Gustav Adolf und Tilly, 726.
40.
Wittich, Magdeburg, Gustav Adolf und Tilly, 737–38.
41.
Ibid., 741–47.
42.
Tilly outlined all of these points in a letter to Ferdinand shortly before the incursion; see Kaiser, Politik und Kriegführung, 439; Wittich, Magdeburg, Gustav Adolf und Tilly, 737; and Kampmann, Europa und das Reich, 78.
43.
Wittich, Magdeburg, Gustav Adolf und Tilly, 733, 748–51; Roberts, Gustavus Adolphus, 2:531.
44.
Stauff, “Lutheran Music and Politics,” ch. 4.
45.
The 1673 Wittenberg hymnal reprinted the official prayers that had been issued after the battle in 1631 and for the anniversary celebrations in 1632: Wittenbergisches Gesang-Buch, 493–98.
46.
One of the best historical introductions to date, by Ronald G. Asch, summarizes the war's defining issues as a struggle over the constitution of the Holy Roman Empire and the balance of political and religious forces in central Europe. But as Asch also shows, religious disputes permeated most of the empire's political and legal wrangling. Asch, Thirty Years War, 3, 6–7, 76.
47.
Kampmann, Europa und das Reich, 80; Kaiser, Politik und Kriegführung, 470–80.
48.
Paas, “Changing Image,” 223.
49.
Gilly, “‘Midnight Lion.’”
50.
Sweden's aims and public reasons for joining the war, which have sparked an extensive secondary literature, are summarized briefly in Burkhardt, “Warum hat Gustav Adolf”; Wilson, Thirty Years War, 461–63; Asch, Thirty Years War, 102; and Roberts, “Political Objectives.”
51.
Asch, Thirty Years War, 104.
52.
Roberts, “Political Objectives,” 85.
53.
Paas, German Political Broadsheet, 5:20; Paas, “Changing Image,” 209.
54.
Paas, “Changing Image”; Tschopp, Heilsgeschichtliche Deutungsmuster, esp. 31–75.
55.
John George I, Elector of Saxony, Letztes Schreiben, esp. Aiii v: “Als sind Wir nochmals zu Vnserm lieben Keyser der vnterthänigsten Hoffnung / Jhre Keys. Maj. werden / als ein gerechter vnd milder Regent / weiter in Vns nicht dringen / noch ein mehrers zumuthen / am allerwenigsten aber mit solcher grawsamen vnerhörten Gewalt derohalben Vns verfolgen vnd bedrengen lassen.”
56.
See, for example, Kurtze / jedoch gründliche / und warhaffte Relation, and other similar reports of the battle reprinted in Paas, German Political Broadsheet, vol. 5, P-1403 to P-1417, as well as the satirical broadsheets on the theme Sächsisch Confect, P-1430 to P-1452.
57.
Karl Wittich disputed this claim over a century ago: Wittich, Magdeburg, Gustav Adolf und Tilly, 736–50; he was followed by Müller, Kursachsen und der Böhmische Aufstand, 472n17, and Kaiser, Politik und Kriegführung, 439.
58.
Wilson, Thirty Years War, 477.
59.
Among John George's troops were many local gentry and their retainers, men who had been drilling only since April. During the battle most of these troops fled together with the elector. Thankfully for Sweden Gustav Adolf was able to reposition his forces and avoid being outflanked, but from the Swedish perspective Saxony had nearly lost the battle. See ibid., 472–75.
60.
Ibid., 472. Frank Müller stresses the continuity of Saxony's aims; only the means of achieving these aims changed with Saxony's realignment toward Sweden: Müller, Kursachsen und der Böhmische Aufstand, 472.
61.
Wilson, Thirty Years War, 477.
62.
For the significance of the “VD17” references included in a number of figure captions, see note 130 below. “Paas” references are to Paas, German Political Broadsheet, vols. 5 and 6.
63.
A “triga” (triumvirate) is a team of three horses.
64.
An outspoken letter in support of Sweden is reprinted in Müller, Kurfürst Johann Georg, 60–61.
65.
Kampmann, Europa und das Reich, 84, 87.
66.
Although subordinate to the full consistory, the senior court preacher, Matthias Hoë von Hoënegg, held considerable influence as the consistory's assessor. The post of president fell to a lay nobleman jurist. See Raddatz-Breidbach, “Albertinische Kurfürsten,” 94.
67.
On Hoë's role in Dresden politics, see Sommer, Die lutherischen Hofprediger, 137–64. Older studies often contend that Hoë wielded significant power at court; see Knapp, Matthias Hoe von Hoenegg, and Nischan, “Reformed Irenicism.” More recently Frank Müller has challenged this notion, pointing to an important example where Hoë merely acted as a spokesman for policies already decided by the privy council without his input: Müller, Kursachsen und der Böhmische Aufstand, 120–27. On the changing role of the Dresden court preachers in general, see Sommer, “Zum Selbst- und Amtsverständnis lutherischer Hofprediger.” Hoë's role in the Reformation Jubilee of 1617 is well known; see Herbst, “Das religiöse und das politische Gewissen,” and Varwig, Histories of Heinrich Schütz, ch. 1.
68.
D-Dla, 10024 Geheimer Rat, Loc. 9227/1, 109, “Buch, Kriegswesen im Reich,” fol. 65r: “Ir wollet bey solcher occasion einem iederedern Superintendenten mit bevelen, denen im seine Inspection gehorigen Pfarern aufzulegen, daß Ine ein ieder gründlich und umbständlich bericht in schrifften zuschicken solle, was für böse, unchristliche, Barbarische und unverantworttliche sachen [und exorbitantien] das Tyllische Krigsvolck [als es inn unsern Landen und an den gränitzen gelegen], inn seiner Kirch sowol, inn den Kirchen, mit abnehmung Kirchen ornats und andrn unzimlichen wercken auch an einen und dem andern Pfarrer selbsten verübet.” (Phrases in square brackets represent marginal notes.)
69.
The text they had in mind was most likely the short pamphlet Kurtze / jedoch gründliche / und warhaffte Relation.
70.
Only the correspondence for the 1633–35 festivals survives: D-Dla, 10024 Geheimer Rat, Loc. 7435/13, “Anordnungen wegen Anstellung und Zelebrierung der Lob- und Dankfeste für verliehene Viktorien.”
71.
The Amtsbuch (fol. 199r) specifically credits Hoë with these documents.
72.
The arrangements for 1632 were probably the same as in 1633, when the consistory asked the elector if he wished to celebrate the victory again; granting his approval, John George asked them to revise the previous year's official instructions and prayers. See D-Dla, 10024 Geheimer Rat, Loc. 7435/13, fols. 2r, 5r.
73.
Full citations of these publications are given in the “Works Cited” list, below.
74.
Gebet / So auff das angestellte Christliche Lob- und DanckFest.
75.
D-Dla, 10024 Geheimer Rat, Loc. 7435/13, fol. 5r: “Dero löblichsten exempel auch an dero Evangelische Potentaten und Stände deß Reichs rühmlich nachgefolgen.” In 1632 Erfurt held similar celebrations, possibly following Saxony's lead. Printed orders and a sermon for the city's celebrations survive; see Christliche Anordnung and Wallenberger, Purim, Oder / GedechtnißSermon. The chronicle of Hans Krafft (1589–1665) records conflict between Protestants and Catholics during these celebrations in biconfessional Erfurt; the Protestants apparently broke into the Catholic cathedral and rang the bells. Krafft's chronicle has been edited by Hans Medick and Norbert Winnige and is available online at Mitteldeutsche Selbstzeugnisse der Zeit des Dreißigjährigen Krieges; the relevant passage is on fol. 66r.
76.
The number of available performers can only be guessed from rosters drawn up the previous year when the elector and chapel traveled to Leipzig. The documents are found in D-Dla, 10006 Oberhofmarschallamt, I, Nr. 7, “Reise nach Leipzig auf den Evang. Konvent-Tag, 1631,” and have been transcribed in Steude, “Heinrich Schütz' Psalmkonzert,” and also partly in Johnston, Heinrich Schütz Reader, no. 60. The roster shows, among other things, that in 1631 Matthias Weckmann was a choirboy in the chapel. He was apparently still in Dresden in 1632, taking on the role of chapel organist after his voice broke. Only in 1633 did he leave for Hamburg. See Silbiger, “Weckmann, Matthias.”
77.
D-Dla, 10024 Geheimer Rat, Loc. 7435/13, fol. 13r, letter from elector to consistory, August 24, 1635: “das Volck in den Kirchen der jahreszeit, und was Gott vor heil erwiesen, beweglich erinnern.”
78.
On Laurentius's authorship of this section of the Amtsbuch, see Raddatz-Breidbach, “Dynastie und Kirchenordnung,” 244. His authorship may also be suggested by the marked contrast between the accolades given to Hoë von Hoënegg's sermon (“Concio ex Ps. [66] so Herr D. Hoë mit grosem lob verrichtet”) and the modesty with which the writer describes Laurentius's sermon (“Concio aus dem 124 Ps. so M. Christophorus Laurentius verrichtet”); see the  Appendix, below.
79.
Gebet / So auff das angestellte Christliche Lob- und DanckFest, Aii r–v: “O Allmächtiger / getrewer / Barmhertziger / Allwissender HErr / vnd GOtt: Dir ist vnverborgen / wie eine zeitlang die Papisten als abgesagte Feinde / der wahren seligmachenden Christlichen Religion / wider dein gantzes Evangelisches Kirchheufflein aller Orten / Namentlich aber auch / wider dieses Churfürstenthumb Sachssen gewütet vnd getobet: Was für gifftige Anschläge sie wider dich vnd vns gemachet: Wie sie alleine dahin getrachtet / daß sie vns ausrotten / vnd wir kein Volck mehr sein / auch die Freyheit vnserer Gewissen / vnd des reinen schuldigen Gottesdienstes nicht mehr haben solten. Ach grosser GOtt / wiewol ist dir bewust / was für schädliche Gruben deine vnd vnsere Feinde vns bißhero gegraben: vnd wie sie zumal vns Evangelische sampt vnd sonders zuvertilgen / vnd vnterzutreten sich bemühet haben: Wir erinnern vns aber auch O liebster GOtt / mit schuldigen Danck / daß du vns nicht in den Willen vnserer Feinde gegeben / sondern Christliche Helden erwecket / vnd deinem Volck Heylande gegeben: Wir sind insonderheit ingedenck / als heute ein Jahr die Feinde alle jhre Macht zusamm getragen / vnd mit grausamen Grimm an dein Volck gesetzet / wie du O grosser GOtt vnsere Feinde hinter sich getrieben hast / daß sie gefallen sind / vnd vmbkommen für dir: wie du vnser Recht vnd Sach ausgeführet / vnd als einen rechten Richter dich erzeiget hast Vnvergessen bleibet bey vns / O vnvberwündlicher HErr vnd GOtt / daß Du heute ein Jahr / durch deine Gesalbten / die Königl: Majt: in Schweden / vnnd Churfürstliche Durchlauchtigkeit zu Sachssen / vnsern gnadigsten Churfürsten vnnd Herrn / auch beyderseits Christliches Kriegsheer / vns grosses Heil bewiesen vnnd wohlgethan / daß Du selbst gestritten für dein Volck / vnd vns allein durch deine vnendliche Güte / eine vberaus herrliche / wunderbahre / glorwürdigste Victori wider die Antichristische Feinde verliehen / dardurch deine eigene Ehre gerettet / Deine elende Kirche erquicket / vnd vns samptlich / zumahl in diesen Landen / von vnserer Verfolger Händen erlöset hast.” (Parenthetical biblical citations are marginal in the original document.)
80.
Ibid., Aiii v: “Vnd demnach die Feinde nochmaln fortfahren / sich wider dich vnd dein Wort auffzulehnen / wiel sie noch immer gedencken / vns in Hertzeleid zu bringen / weil sie weiter jhre Zäne zusammen beissen / vber vns / … Dahero die Königliche Schwedische / vnd ChurSächsissche Armeê nochmaln gedrungen wird / für deine Ehre / vnnd deiner Kirchen Gewissens Freyheit zu kämpffen vnd zu streiten.”
81.
Ibid., Aiv r: “Gieb vnsere Feinde auch hinführo in die flucht / Zerstosse sie wie Staub für dem Winde. Reume sie weg / wie den Koth auff der Gassen / Gedencke doch O HERR deß / daß der Feind (der Bapst vnnd sein Hauffen) Dich den HERRN schmähet / vnd ein thöricht Volck lästert deinen Nahmen. … Erhebe Dich HERR / vnd stürtze das Antichristische Bapstumb / vns aber enthalte dein Wort / welches ist vnsers Hertzen Frewd vnd Wonne.”
82.
Laurentius, ΔΟΞΟΛΟΓΙΑ [Doxologia] Davidica.
83.
His biography is detailed in Gleich, Annales ecclesiastici, 3:611–37.
84.
Laurentius, Doxologia Davidica, Bii r–v. As a gift for dedicating the printed sermon to him, John George apparently rewarded Laurentius with twenty thaler; see Gleich, Annales ecclesiastici, 3:619.
85.
Laurentius, Doxologia Davidica, Ciii v: “[W]ir vnsers theils haben wol vrsach solches zubedencken vnd in acht zunehmen. Heute den 7. Septembris ist es gleich ein Jahr / da es warlich wüst aussahe in diesen Landen / die abgesagten Feinde des Heiligen Evangelii hattens böse im sinn / in dem sie / hindangesetzt aller Geistlichen vnd Weltlichen Rechte / zu wider dem Heiligen / von so viel Jahren hero gestifftetem / vnd von dem gantzen Reich approbirten Religion= vnd Prophan=Frieden / mit einer grausamen / starcken Armee von viel Tausenten / mit grossen Carthaunen / schrecklichen Wehren vnd Waffen vnd allerhand munition wol ausstaffierten Volck / in dieses hochlöblichste Churfürstenthumb Sachssen einen feindseligen grimmigen Einfall gethan / in willens / das gantze Land vnter das Bäpstische Joch zu zwingen / Herrn vnd Knecht / vnd das gantze Evangelische Kirchhäufflein auff einmal auszurotten vnd zuvertilgen.”
86.
Tilly had supposedly threatened to sack Leipzig as he had Magdeburg a few months earlier; see Kurtze / jedoch gründliche / und warhaffte Relation, Biii v.
87.
Laurentius, Doxologia Davidica, Giv v: “Das hochlöblichste Churfürstenthumb Sachssen mit den incorporirten Stifften ist ein groß / schön / heilig vnd herrlich Haus / das wolten die verteuffelte Fewerspeyende Bäpstler gäntzlich ruiniren vnd verderben. Mitten im Lande lag der General Graff Tylli / hatte schon vielmahls in das Edle liebe Leipzig Fewer eingeworffen / in willens / mit dieser werthen Stadt / wie mit den armen Magdeburg / den Garaus zu machen / hatte es auch endlich sampt der Festung zu seinem Vorteil gar eingenommen vnd besetzet: Gegen Abend lag Holcke: Gegen Mittag der Altringer / gegen Morgen der Götz / alle Keiserliche Obersten / mit befehl vnd grosser begierde / daß wann Tylli die Schlacht bey Leipzig erhielte / sie darauff an allen Orthen das hochlöblichste Churfürstenthumb Sachssen anfallen / vnd mit raub / plünderung / mord vnd brand in grund verderben solten / nicht anders / als Antiochus: der aus Jerusalem eine Todtengrube machen / vnnd Timotheus, der die Jüden gantz vertilgen wolte.” The reference to Timothy is from 1 Maccabees 5.
88.
Laurentius, Doxologia Davidica, Civ r: “der Allmächtige GOtt … zweene Christeyferige Hochlöblichste Helden / die Königliche Majestät in Schweden vnd Churf. Durchl. zu Sachssen erwecket.”
89.
Luther, D. Martin Luthers Werke … Die Deutsche Bibel, 10.1:533b; English translation adapted from the King James Version.
90.
Ibid., Civ v: “eine artige vnd eigendliche Beschreibung vnd Abcontrafeyung der Feinde der wahren Christlichen Kirchen.”
91.
Ibid., Diii v–Div r: “Bey diesem Ersten Pünctlein lernen wir nun 1. Daß für allen andern Leuten in der Welt / sonderlich Israel / das ist / die rechtgleubigen / so Gottes Volck sind / vielen vnd grossen verfolgungen der Tyrannen vnterworffen sind. … Denn wie in der Kirchen Altes Testaments Israel seinen Esau hatte / der jhme den Tod geschworen: wie Abel seinen Cain: Isaac seinen Ismael: David seinen Doeg: Elias seinen Achab vnd Jesabel hatte: Also hat die Christliche Kirche noch jhre Feinde / vnd muß seyn wie eine Rose vnter den Dornen / muß frembde seyn vnter Mesech / vnd muß wohnen vnter den Hütten Kedar bey denen / die den Frieden hassen. … Da lehnen sich die Tyrannen auff / vnd rathschlagen miteinander wieder den HERRN vnd seine Gesalbten. Wolher / sprechen sie / lasset vns sie / die Christen / ausrotten / daß sie kein Volck mehr seyen / daß des Namens Israel (der Lutheraner) nicht mehr gedacht werde.”
92.
Ibid., Ei r: “Endlich ist das Antichristische Bapsthumb von Teufel gestifftet vnd angerichtet worden / welches wie es die fürnembste Ketzereyen in sich gesoffen vnd verschlungen / Also hat es auch wieder die rechtgleubige Kirche grosse wüterey geübet.”
93.
Ibid., Eiv r–v.
94.
Ibid., Di r: “daß Er seine Kirche in so grosser noth so Väterlich erhalten / vnd von so mächtigen grimmigen Feinden liberiret vnd erlöset hat.”
95.
A number of pro-Swedish illustrated broadsheets show the king kneeling in prayer as his army sets foot on German soil (Paas, German Political Broadsheet, vol. 6, P-1553, P-1749) or while angels protect him from the surrounding battle (ibid., P-1627 to P-1629).
96.
Laurentius, Doxologia Davidica, Hiii r: “Sihe / da hat Gott endlich nicht allein den Geist seines Gesalbten / des hochlöblichsten Königes zu Schweden erweckt / daß Jhre Königliche Majestät aus Christlichem Heroischem Eyfer gegen der nothleidenden reinen Evangelischen Religion vnd Deutzschen libertet vnd Freyheit / deßgleichen aus andern hochdringenden Politschen vrsachen / Jhren Fuß auff den Teutzschen Boden / mit starckem Gebet glücklich gesetzt / Sondern nach dem auch höchsterwehnte Churfürstl. Durchl. zu Sachssen eusserist gezwungen vnd genötiget worden / durch das von GOtt Jhr anvertrawte Schwerdt / dero getrewe Land vnd Leute für aller vnbilliger gewalt zuschützen / sich daher in eine Kriegsverfassung einzulassen.”
97.
See Gesangbuch Christlicher Psalmen und Kirchenlieder.
98.
See Ander Theil des Dreszdenischen Gesangbuchs.
99.
Dates for manuscripts in D-Kl are from Gottwald, Die Handschriften, vol. 6.
100.
Schütz wrote SWV 48 for his brother Georg's wedding and printed it shortly beforehand as Der 133. Psalm. Sihe wie fein vnd lieblich ists / etc. Auff die Hochzeitliche Ehrenfrewde / Herrn Georgii SchützenDann auch Der Erbarn Viel Ehrentugentsamen Jungfrawen / ANNENSo den 9. Augusti 1619. in Leipzig zu celebriren angestellet (Leipzig: Lorentz Kober, 1619). Because the only known copy of Schütz's 1619 printed set of parts, formerly housed in the university library at Königsberg, was lost during the Second World War, the only surviving source for the early version of SWV 48 is Spitta's edition of it for Schütz's Sämtliche Werke; see Schütz, Gesammelte Motetten, Concerte, Madrigale und Arien.
101.
Neither piece can definitively be called the original. Although printed earlier, SWV 297 might really be a pared-down setting of a larger version similar to or identical with SWV 402. Composers of the era seem to have excelled both in adding new parts to a smaller composition and in reducing the scoring of a larger work.
102.
Philipp Spitta, who reproduced an excerpt from Moro's concerto, was the first to suggest that this setting may have inspired the echo effects in Saul; see Schütz, Symphoniae sacrae … Zweite Abtheilung, viii–ix. His conjecture that Schütz learned of the work from its reprint in one of the Goslar concerto anthologies, Fasciculus primus Geistlicher wolklingender Concerten (Goslar, 1638), now seems less likely given the earlier date of Saul. Moro first published the piece in his Secondo libro de concerti a una, a due, a tre, & a quattro voci (Venice, 1607), and if Schütz did not know the original, published in Venice shortly before his first visit there, his most likely source would have been Johann Donfrid's reprint in the anthology Promptuarii musici, concentus ecclesiasticos … Pars prima (Strasbourg, 1622).
103.
Modulationum cum sex vocibus, liber primus (Venice, 1581). The piece filtered up to central Germany and can be found in the set of manuscript partbooks Dresden, Sächsische Landesbibliothek – Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek (SLUB), Mus. Grimma 49, from the Fürstenschule St. Augustin in Grimma, originally from the Fürstenschule St. Afra in Meissen; see Steude, Musiksammelhandschriften, 5.
104.
Urban Loth's setting appeared in the third volume of Donfrid's Promptuarii musici (see note 102 above); an anonymous eight-voice setting survives in Dresden, Sächsische Landesbibliothek – Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek (SLUB), Mus. Löbau 50, no. 19; the composer styled Accademico Bizzarro Capriccioso wrote a five-voice setting in dialogue, published in his Motetti a cinque voci concertati (Venice, 1623); a three-voice dialogue by Andrea Rinaldi appears in his Il primo libro de motetti a due, tre e quattro voci (Palermo, 1634); and Giuseppe Giamberti published a three-voice dialogue in Antiphonae et motecta festis omnibus propria, et communia (Rome, 1650).
105.
Gregor-Dellin, Heinrich Schütz, 292: “Für den Gottesdienst ist es kaum geeignet.”
106.
All music examples are taken from Schütz, Symphoniae sacrae III (1650), ed. Werner Breig.
107.
Varwig, “‘Mutato semper habitu,’” 233–37.
108.
Luther's note on the verb “lecken” appears at the one other spot in his translation at which the word occurs, 1 Samuel 2:29, where it has a similar meaning: “Warumb leckestu denn wider meine Opffer vnd Speisopffer, die ich geboten hab in der Wonung, Vnd du ehrest deine Söne mehr denn Mich, das jr euch mestet von dem besten aller Speisopffer meines volcks Jsrael” (Why do you kick at my sacrifice and my offering, which I have commanded in my habitation, and honor your sons above me, to make yourselves fat with the best of all the offerings of my people Israel?): Luther, D. Martin Luthers Werke … Die Deutsche Bibel, 9.1:193; translation adapted from the King James Version. After the word “leckestu” Luther attaches the note “Gleich wie Act. 9. S. Paulus wider den stachel lecket, das ist, frech vnd mutwillig” (Just as in Acts 9 Paul kicks against the pricks, that is, brazenly and maliciously).
109.
Paas, “Changing Image,” 223–26.
110.
Abelinus, Theatri Europaei, 2:418: “Er sehe nun wol / daß man das Sächsische bißhero so lang gesparte Confect auffzusetzen gesinnet were; man solte aber bedencken / daß man auch bey demselbigen allerhand Nüß vnd Schawessen auffzutragen pflegte / welche offtmal hart zu beissen weren. Derohalben solte man wol zusehen / daß sich ihrer theils nicht die Zäne daran außbiessen. Es könte sich auch bey dem Confect noch viel zutragen.” Translation adapted from Paas, “Changing Image,” 224. As recorded in Grimm's Deutsches Wörterbuch, the expression “sich an [etwas] die Zähne ausbeissen” meant “have a difficult time with something,” even in the early modern period; see “Zahn, II, f.”
111.
On the story's authenticity, see Wittich, Magdeburg, Gustav Adolf und Tilly, 745n1.
112.
For other satirical broadsheets concerning Tilly, see Paas, German Political Broadsheet, vol. 5, P-1430 to P-1464.
113.
Letter from Schütz to Philipp Hainhofer, dated April 23, 1632, transcribed in Schütz-Dokumente, vol. 1, no. 72: “In gestriger predigt Sontag Jubilate, Erwehnete vnser Oberhoffprediger H[errn] D[octor] Hoë, was massen bishero die Evangelischen Kirchen, wegen grosser vntterdrückung der Catholischen, auch viel trawrikeit erduldet, An itzo aber der H[err] Christus in Oberteutschlandt v[nd] namentlich auch zu Augsburg vieler 1000 Ja hunderttausendt menschen herzen wiederumb zu erfrewen angefangen hette, vndt machte ferner ein schöne applicationauf heutiges zustandes auf das Euangelium. Das hiervon auch vor meine person ich voranlasset worden, Meinem grosg[ünstigen] herrn vndt vnsern mitt Christen zu Augspurgk, wegen der wieder erlangeten gewissensfreÿheit hertzlichen zu congratuliren vndt das Jenige zu wünschen, was im beschlus des gestrigen Evangelii zu finden ist, Das nemlich die frewde, wormit der H[err] Christ[us] viel 1000 hertzen zu Auspurg zu erfrewen angefangen hatt, niemandt nimmermehr von Ihnen nemen könne. Amen.” Translation with minor adaptations from Johnston, Heinrich Schütz Reader, no. 62.
114.
On the 1617 Reformation Jubilee, see Herbst, “Das religiöse und das politische Gewissen”; Mahrenholz, “Heinrich Schütz”; and Varwig, Histories of Heinrich Schütz, ch. 1. For further discussion of several of the political events in question, see Beate Agnes Schmidt's forthcoming article for the Schütz-Jahrbuch, “Praetorius, Schütz und kursächsische Kunstpolitik.” I thank Dr. Schmidt for sharing her work with me prior to publication.
115.
D-Dlk, Amtsbuch, Best. 92, Nr. 2, fol. 174v: “Verzeügnüs, wie es Anno 1631 mit der angestelten Landtags-Predigt in der Churf. Schloßkirchen zu Dreßden ist gehalten worden.”
116.
One possibility, albeit unlikely, would be his setting of the text for two voices and violins (SWV 356), a work that was ultimately published in his Symphoniae sacrae II (Dresden, 1647). It is based, however, on Monteverdi's “Armato il cor” and “Zefiro torna,” and there is no evidence that Schütz knew these pieces before Monteverdi published both in his Scherzi musicali of 1632. A more likely candidate might be a lost large-scale setting listed in a Weimar inventory from mid-century; see Möller, “Die Weimarer Noteninventare,” 64.
117.
The estates approved new taxes in view of the dangers of war; see Weck, Der Chur-Fürstlichen Sächsischen weitberuffenen Residentz- und Haupt-Vestung Dresden Beschreib, 448, and Heidenreich, Leipzigische Cronicke, 451–52.
118.
Stauff, “Lutheran Music and Politics,” ch. 1.
119.
D-Dlk, Amtsbuch, Best. 92, Nr. 2, fol. 178r: “Verley uns frieden gn. J.H.S. à9.” The surviving fragments of the piece are edited in Schein, Gelegenheitskompositionen, 4:50–61.
120.
Winterfeld, Johannes Gabrieli, 2:197.
121.
Selected readings and chants for the feast appear in Keuchenthal, Kirchen-Gesenge Latinisch vnd Deudsch, 479–83. Although the feast is absent from the 1581 Ordnung under Augustus I, probably omitted by mistake, it appears again in an order drawn up during the reign of John George II; see Schmidt, Der Gottesdienst am Kurfürstlichen Hofe, 44, 90. A court diary for 1665 also mentions the feast (ibid., 91n), and it appears in several other central German sources of the early seventeenth century.
122.
Schmidt, Der Gottesdienst am Kurfürstlichen Hofe, 90–91.
123.
Gundlach, Das Weissenfelser Aufführungsverzeichnis, 55–56.
124.
Ibid., 64–65.
125.
Among the approximately thirty distinct pieces, some of them performed on multiple years, are chorale texts such as “Wär Gott nicht mit uns diese Zeit” (the poetic paraphrase of Psalm 124), biblical texts such as “Und wer verlässet Häuser” (Matt. 19:29), and poetic cantatas such as Erdmann Neumeister's Mein Gewissen ängstigt sich.
126.
D-Dlk, Amtsbuch, Best. 92, Nr. 2, fol. 199r.
127.
In my transcription of the German text I use “etc.” in place of the equivalent symbol in German script.
128.
SWV 198a.
129.
The number is obscured in the Amtsbuch but can be inferred from the printed Instruction und Ordnung.
130.
Citations of early modern printed material from Germany here and in a number of figure captions often include a parenthetical reference to the catalogs VD16, VD17, or VD18. Das Verzeichnis der im deutschen Sprachbereich erschienenen Drucke des 16. Jahrhunderts (VD16) and its siblings VD17 and VD18 are all available online (www.vd16.de, www.vd17.de, and www.vd18.de).