Beijing's miscalculations regarding India have created conflict with a regional power that has the capability and desire to disrupt China's outward push.

Focusing solely on physical infrastructure runs the risk of overlooking another critical component of resilience: social infrastructure.

The possibility of miscalculation or accident is already high at a time when the region is undergoing major geopolitical change, and when questions about international leadership are much more unsettled than we might have guessed only a few short months ago.

[O]ne-size-fits-all adaptation will not work, given the wide variety of regional impacts in Vietnam.

Historians may well conclude that Obama glimpsed a different world for American foreign policy but never exerted the kind of strategic direction needed to turn that vision into reality.

The world is beginning to move away from reliance on fossil fuels altogether, rendering obsolete many of the strategic plans intended to ensure the safe flow of oil.

Moscow may not be very good at learning lessons from setbacks, and certainly tends to exaggerate its successes, but it has few doubts about the feasibility of ‘military solutions’ and even fewer reservations about reaching for them.

The absence of effective regional institutions means that the geopolitical competition between the United States and China is likely to play out without the constraining influence such organizations can provide …

Vietnam has arrived at a momentous juncture in its social and political development. It is a country ripe with potential, but it creaks under the weight of an almost feudalistic political system.

Drawing analogies between the global political situation in 1914 and the present misses the point: From its outbreak to its conclusion, the Great War was defined by uncertainty and accident.

In the long run, a stable, democratic, and economically dynamic Turkey that remains a member of the transatlantic alliance may be able to ease the post-Soviet region closer to the Western liberal order.

What makes these disputes so dangerous … is the apparent willingness of many claimants to employ military means in demarking their offshore territories and demonstrating their resolve to keep them.

The dual forces of population growth and climate change will exacerbate pressures on land use, water access, and food security.

America's expanding military footprint in Asia may be more of a provocation than a deterrent to China's aggressive behavior.

The South China Sea is a growing focus of concern in Washington, at the headquarters of the US Pacific Command in Honolulu, and in a number of Southeast Asian capitals.

With the global flow of energy assuming ever-growing economic and strategic prominence, oil and gas pipelines in the world today have become the major focus of international geopolitical competition.

The United States … wants to enhance its own strategic position in south-central Eurasia, much as Great Britain attempted in the late nineteenth century. This effort encompasses anti-terrorism and the pursuit of oil, but many in Washington also see it as an end in itself—as the natural behavior of a global superpower engaged in global dominance.

Growing attention has been devoted in recent years to projected oil and gas pipelines that would link Russian gas fields in eastern Siberia and Sakhalin Island to China, Japan, and the two Koreas. By contrast, there is little awareness of the high economic and political stakes involved in the quiet struggle now unfolding in Northeast Asia over seabed petroleum resources, especially the conflict between China and Japan over the East China Sea.

The United States cannot increase its intake of foreign oil by 50 percent, as called for under the Bush energy plan, without involving itself in the political, economic, and military affairs of the states from which all this petroleum is expected to flow. This involvement may take financial and diplomatic forms in most cases, but it will also often entail military action.