For all his bluster, Donald Trump may have recognized what US strategy long refused to acknowledge: North Korea is ready to discuss denuclearization in exchange for recognition and respect.

A volatile US president has stirred up new angst over the nuclear peril. The UN treaty banning the bomb may not have much immediate effect, but it could be a first step toward a safer future.

The reality is that powerful business and political clans are deeply embedded in Korean society and unlikely to disappear anytime soon.

Why did the Obama administration treat threats against a Hollywood studio over a movie mocking North Korea as a matter of national security? It was sending a message to deter others.

North and South Korea's leaders are both scions of ruling families with a history of mutual hostility. Still, there is cause to hope that the South's Park Geun-hye will try what is long overdue: clear-headed, sustained engagement with the North.

Even as the Obama administration has pivoted toward the Asia-Pacific region, so has the Kremlin.…

The North's philosophy of rule bears close resemblance to what Koreans traditionally said about their kings—or what Hegel said about the German monarch.…

Electing a new Korean president … will have far-reaching political and policy ramifications, both domestic and foreign, perhaps greater than ever in recent history.

A new book about a fugitive from North Korea casts chilling light on the world's last remaining national system of concentration camps.

At the end of the day, it is not clear that economic ties will act as a significant constraint on state behavior when high-stakes issues are on the table.

It has become apparent that a policy of isolation, sanctions, lack of dialogue, and ‘strategic patience’ has not worked to weaken North Korea or alter its behavior, much less bring the regime down.

[Adopting] unification as the central goal of policy toward the Koreas . … would constitute the first step on the road toward a resolution of the crisis on the peninsula.

Blessed with enormous military and economic power, Americans expect to find quick and effective solutions to whatever crises they encounter. For North Korea's Kim Jong-il, however, generating one crisis after another may be the best way to stay in power.

There are signs that Japan will assume the geostrategic role of the ‘new South Korea’-a leverage point against China. Missile defense in particular will transform the us-Japan relationship into a ‘normal’ alliance, taking it in directions not hitherto contemplated.

America's strengths in Asia remain formidable…. Chinese leaders seem to understand this in their acceptance of us leadership in Asian and world affairs, as part of a long-term strategy to develop ‘peacefully’ without upsetting the United States.

There is little question that ultimate responsibility for the dispersal of nuclear technology from Pakistan rests squarely with the Pakistani military.

Although policy makers worry about the use of weapons of mass destruction against the United States, we should recognize that terrorist organizations have shown a remarkable tendency to fall back on well-tested conventional methods of attack. … Deterrence, when measured against prevention, still maintains enough credibility to prevent rogue states from sharing nuclear weapons with terrorists.

Relations between China and the United States are perhaps the best they have been since 1989. … What accounts for this seemingly dramatic transformation?

If South Korean resentment of America's military presence is less clear-cut than many would suggest, so, too, are the policy differences supposedly dividing American and South Korean leaders.

The Bush administration should recognize that on North Korea, only limited support will be forthcoming from Beijing. The best Washington can expect is a China actively pressing the United States and North Korea to talk and willing to host or participate in further meetings. But this presumes that both Pyongyang and Washington are ready to sit down in the first place.