Mexico and Brazil, both among the region’s hardest hit by COVID-19, took strikingly different steps to mitigate the economic impact of the pandemic. Although President Jair Bolsonaro dismissed the need for social distancing measures, the government provided substantial financial aid to citizens though cash transfer programs, avoiding potentially sharp increases in poverty and inequality. Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, who also displayed a dismissive attitude about the virus, made relatively little effort to protect the poor and unemployed from its effects, despite his pro-poor rhetoric. As a result, the Mexican economy was projected to contract by 9 percent in 2020, while poverty sharply increased. Rising malnutrition and missed schooling may have long-term consequences for inequality.

President Andrés Manuel López Obrador has promoted himself as a historical figure equal to the great heroes of Mexico’s national mythology. His populist rhetoric denigrates political opponents as enemies of the people. But more than two years into his term, his promises of economic growth have failed to materialize, partly because of his attachment to austerity.

“[L]abor-market reintegration is a complex and uneven process for return migrants.” Sixth in a series on social mobility around the world .

More people have risen above extreme poverty, but a majority remains stuck in the ranks of the working poor, with migration offering the only way out.

The most important question concerning labor in Latin American today is how … to achieve a meaningful incorporation of all citizens of working age and ability in the workforce.

The disadvantages faced by Mexican migrants, the challenges of their integration into US society, and the question of the rights due to noncitizens are at the core of the immigration debate in the United States.

[S]ending countries can certainly do more, such as increase human capital investments, strengthen networks that increase the development value of diasporas, reduce barriers to return and circulation, and, above all, create an environment to attract and retain talent.

[D]iaspora politics can be viewed as not only enhancing or challenging state power in particular cases, but also contributing to new forms of global identity politics that transcend state institutions.

A new book tries to explain historical variations in the rise of the state in four Latin American countries. The author's inclination to reduce history to data results in much of the story being left out.

[N]ew ideas and new actors are needed to fill the void in the region's public sphere more than ever.

[C]riminal groups are above the law because they have managed to capture and corrupt the state.

[T]he ceaseless undocumented migration from Central America can be traced back to institutional failures that have blocked the development of peaceful societies under the democratic rule of law. …

“Latin American nationalism is unique in comparison with the nationalisms of other regions in the developing world because it achieved political independence at least a century before it gained social and economic independence.” Fifth in a series on resurgent nationalism around the world.

A new book by Neil Foley traces the history of Mexicans in the United States and the discrimination they have faced due to persistent anti-immigrant fears.

Most of Pen'a Nieto's legislative achievements remain incomplete, and they have been accompanied by serious missteps that must be rectified and oversights that can no longer be ignored.

The results of in-depth analyses for Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico reveal two main factors that explain this phenomenon: a fall in the premium that favors skilled over unskilled labor, and more progressive government transfers targeting the poor.

Just as Mexico has shown signs of an upswing, Brazil seems to be facing mounting difficulties.

The 2011 election…will take place amid popular disappointment with Calderón's presidency and a widespread perception that it has left the country worse off than it was five years ago.

At a time when few traditional armed conflicts are under way, internal threats continue to anchor the missions of most Latin American and Caribbean militaries.

Weak economic performance … and the great rise in violence and insecurity associated with the war on drugs have contributed to public doubts about democracy.