This article explores the sources of legitimacy of private property in the means of production in Ukraine. The conceptualization of legitimacy of private property was made by analyzing theoretical approaches to the study of the foundations of private property relations in Western countries. The application of these approaches tests economic utilitarian, psychological, and sociocultural explanations of legitimacy of large and small private enterprises and private land in the process of activation of post-communist transition of Ukrainian society. The basic hypothesis was that the process of legitimation of private property in the means of production proceeds by uniting utilitarian and psychological adaptation with sociocultural agreement of ideological attitudes. This hypothesis was verified with the help of created legitimacy indices by comparison of linear regressions and data of the Institute of Sociology of the National Academy of Sciences (NAS) of Ukraine for 2013 and 2017. The results indicate that the hypothesis has been held true only concerning legitimacy of small private enterprises. They have acquired a moderate extent of legitimacy owing to the fact that besides the factors of adaptation, social recognition has increased at the expense of people who support the multiparty system and the liberal and mixed methods of regulation of the economy. In contrast, the existence of large private enterprises and private land has not acquired the corresponding sociocultural foundation.

The return of the local democracy to the military training areas raises a number of complex challenges even under the conditions of a democratic state. In the municipalities that were established in the Czech Republic on 1 January 2016 by a separation from the territory of the military training areas, a nondemocratic paternalist system has dominated for many decades at the local level, which in some cases was deepened by a presence of the foreign Soviet army. While other municipalities in the post-communist period after 1989 have undergone a complex development and have gradually responded to new challenges (e.g., the use of subsidy titles, intermunicipal cooperation), and, in the case of the settlements in the territory of the military training area districts, nondemocratic local paternalism was preserved until the end of 2015. In the first phase of their term, the elected representatives of the local government primarily focused on securing the basic functions of the municipality (issues of housing and basic amenities of the village—school facilities, shops), saving local sights as remnants of historical memory, and developing cooperation within different networks of actors on a general level (e.g., issues of tourism development, environmental protection).

This paper traces the origins of the different monetary regimes adopted in Bulgaria and Romania in 1996–97 and examines their performance during the EU accession. The findings indicate that the constraints of the currency board in Bulgaria shifted economic activity towards the private sector, while the discretionary policies in Romania turned public finances into both a contributor and a response mechanism to economic imbalances. While the prospects of EU accession initially enhanced the performance of the monetary anchors, the implicit insurance of EU membership increased moral hazard and led to a rapid rise in private and public debt. The paper also explores the historical parallels between the monetary regimes of Bulgaria and Romania in 1996–97 and 1925–1940.

This article is a case study of the Green Party in Slovakia. The line of explanation of the party’s trajectory is chronological, from foundation to its present marginal status. The two main causes of repeated internal party splits identified by the article are the influence of nationalism and the party’s relationship to the most important formation in Slovak politics during the 1990s, Vladimír Mečiar’s Movement for a Democratic Slovakia. It, furthermore, points to the barrier of a relatively high clause in the electoral system to national parliament which determined the Greens’ tendency to enter wider coalition partnerships. These partnerships, however, had a negative impact on the long-term perspective on the distinctiveness of the Greens from the point of view of voters. Other important factors in the party’s lack of political success have been their isolation from the environmental movement and the public’s low level of interest in ecological and other post-material issues.

This paper discusses the conceptual model behind the widespread belief that in post Communist societies, once the democratic and market institutions are introduced, the emerging values and beliefs engendered by those very institutions will create the conditions for the consolidation and reproduction of democracy and market economy. The model is subjected to a double assessment: a critical theoretical review followed by an empirical test conducted through a case study. Both raise questions regarding the realism of the model and show that the direct relationship between institutional structures, institutional learning and the emerging values and beliefs (defined in this study as ‘operational codes’), a key relationship on which the model is based, is difficult to establish and substantiate. The paper concludes by pointing out the necessity to further elaborate the initial model in order to accommodate problems such as the emergence of institutional rigidities and learning blockages, and the emergence of dysfunctional values (values and beliefs that do not support and reproduce but undermine the institutional structures that shaped them initially), and to incorporate a theory of institutional change in which the evolution and change of beliefs, ideas and values play a much more preeminent place.