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Keywords: Post-Soviet
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Journal Articles
Journal:
Communist and Post-Communist Studies
Communist and Post-Communist Studies (2017) 50 (3): 207–220.
Published: 01 September 2017
... society Post-Soviet State-society relations Russia Ukraine Ukraine ment with e of e t top the nature of and reasons behind the above-mentioned fragmentation. d Ukraine.1 While s in the nature and ehavior in the two elopments lie and nalysis can in turn n democratization contexts. * Corresponding...
Abstract
The authors compare civil society development in Russia and Ukraine in recent years in terms of civil society’s structure and relationships with the state and the broader society. They find major differences in 1) the treatment of civil society by state actors and 2) the level of trust placed in civil society by the population. They use these and other findings to assess civil society’s ability to play economic, political and social roles as defined by Michael Edwards in Civil Society (Edwards, 2009) and discover important differences emerging with regard to the political and social roles.
Journal Articles
Journal:
Communist and Post-Communist Studies
Communist and Post-Communist Studies (2012) 45 (3-4): 417–428.
Published: 25 August 2012
... University of California. Published by Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. 2012 The Regents of the University of California Post-Soviet State building State-society relations Informal institutions Ukraine voted ed th ian p onten Everyone officially living on Ukraine s te ies o ted to ing...
Abstract
This article examines the evolution of the state in Ukraine from an object of elite predation in early 1990s into a dominant actor in relations with non-state actors under Kuchma, an instrument of elite struggles for power and rents under Yushchenko and a return to a centralized state authority under Yanukovych. Despite its different transformations the state in Ukraine has been continuously characterized by the prevalence of informal levers of power and the absence of strong formal institutional foundations. As a result, after twenty years it still lacks the prerequisites of effective governance in a modern state – an impersonal bureaucracy, rule of law and mechanisms of accountability. This institutional void produces Ukraine’s vicious cycling between hybrid types of authoritarianism and democracy leaving the state dysfunctional and incomplete.
Journal Articles
Journal:
Communist and Post-Communist Studies
Communist and Post-Communist Studies (2012) 45 (1-2): 165–174.
Published: 27 April 2012
...Donnacha Ó Beacháin Presidential and parliamentary elections in Abkhazia are pluralistic and competitive. They have led to the transfer of power from government to opposition forces. This in itself is a remarkable fact in the post-Soviet context, where the outcome of elections very often is...
Abstract
Presidential and parliamentary elections in Abkhazia are pluralistic and competitive. They have led to the transfer of power from government to opposition forces. This in itself is a remarkable fact in the post-Soviet context, where the outcome of elections very often is determined in advance by the ruling elite. The article explains how and why this form of electoral democracy could occur in Abkhazia, arguably the most ethnically heterogeneous of all post-Soviet de facto states. Drawing on a wide variety of primary sources and data from within Abkhazia, particularly interviews with key players, the author describes the remarkable willingness of the main political actors to compromise and assesses to what extent Abkhazia’s democratic credentials are sustainable
Journal Articles
Journal:
Communist and Post-Communist Studies
Communist and Post-Communist Studies (2007) 40 (3): 315–342.
Published: 13 August 2007
...Theodor Tudoroiu In 2003–2005, democratic revolutions overthrew the Georgian, Ukrainian, and Kyrgyz post-Soviet authoritarian regimes. However, disillusioned citizens witness today their new leaders creating a Bonapartist regime, entering into open conflict with former revolutionary allies or being...
Abstract
In 2003–2005, democratic revolutions overthrew the Georgian, Ukrainian, and Kyrgyz post-Soviet authoritarian regimes. However, disillusioned citizens witness today their new leaders creating a Bonapartist regime, entering into open conflict with former revolutionary allies or being forced to accept cohabitation with leaders of the previous regime. This article argues that despite internationally acclaimed civic mobilisation, civil society's weakness seriously affected the three revolutionary processes. These were in fact initiated, led, controlled, and finally subordinated by former members of the authoritarian regimes' political elite. Finally, the supposedly democratic revolutions proved to be little more than a limited rotation of ruling elites within undemocratic political systems.
Journal Articles
Journal:
Communist and Post-Communist Studies
Communist and Post-Communist Studies (2004) 37 (1): 1–17.
Published: 01 March 2004
...Andrei P. Tsygankov; Pavel A. Tsygankov The essay argues that Western scholars can improve their understanding of the post-Soviet Russia by studying the discipline of new Russian international relations (IR). The other objective of the essay is to move away from the excessively West-centered IR...
Abstract
The essay argues that Western scholars can improve their understanding of the post-Soviet Russia by studying the discipline of new Russian international relations (IR). The other objective of the essay is to move away from the excessively West-centered IR scholarship by exploring indigenous Russian perceptions and inviting a dialogue across the globe. The essay identifies key trends in Russian IR reflective of the transitional nature of Russia’s post-Soviet change. It argues that Russian IR continues to be in a stage of ideological and theoretical uncertainty, which is a result of unresolved questions of national identity. For describing Russia’s identity crisis, the authors employ Erving Goffman’s concept of stigma defined as a crisis of a larger social acceptance by Russia’s ‘‘significant other’’ (West). The essay suggests that, until this crisis is resolved, much of Russian IR debates can be understood in terms of a search for a national idea. It also introduces the authors of the issue and summarizes their contribution to our understanding of Russian and Western IR.