The author surveys the work of George Hinkle.


George Hinkle, “Samurai in San Francisco: The Japanese Embassy of 1860,” California Historical Society Quarterly 23 (December 1944), 345.


Ibid., 335.


Ibid., 337-338, 341.


John W. Dower, War Without Mercy: Race and Power in the Pacific War (New York: Pantheon, 1987).


Hinkle, “Samurai in San Francisco,” 335.


Ibid., 345.


Ibid., 343.


I recognize of course that many missionaries were also simultaneously in active service to the U.S. nation-state and its financial interests as early embodiments of American “soft power.” See Ian Tyrell's Reforming the World: The Creation of America's Moral Empire (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010).


That context was itself understood through the frame of even earlier representations of “the Orient,” from the Middle East to East Asia, dominant in Europe since at least the Middle Ages, as documented in Edward Said's classic Orientalism (New York: Vintage, 1979). The foundational works of Asian American history are Ronald Takaki's Strangers from a Different Shore: A History of Asian Americans (New York: Little, Brown & Co., 1989) and Gary Okihiro's Margins and Mainstreams (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1994), along with dozens of more specific works—one of the most relevant to the time period Hinkle examines being Alexander Saxton's The Indispensable Enemy: Labor and the Anti-Chinese Movement in California (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975). More recent works, such as Mae Ngai's Impossible Subjects: Illegal Aliens and the Making of Modern America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005) and Erika Lee and Judy Yung's Angel Island: Immigrant Gateway to America (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), have sought to situate the experiences of Asian Americans within broader immigrant histories.


Hinkle, “Samurai in San Francisco,” 340, 344.


Hinkle, 344.


Hinkle, “Samurai in San Francisco,” 340.


See, for example, Matt Matsuda's Pacific Worlds: A History of Seas, Peoples, and Cultures (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012) and David Igler's The Great Ocean: Pacific Worlds from Captain Cook to the Gold Rush (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013).


See my article on Gardena, “Seasoned Long Enough in Concentration: Race and Transnational Suburbanization in Southern California's South Bay,” Journal of Urban History (forthcoming January 2014), as well as Hillary Jenks, “Home Is Little Tokyo: Race, Community, and Memory in Twentieth-Century Los Angeles” (Ph.D. diss., University of Southern California, 2008).


I am referring here to Claire Jean Kim's concept of racial triangulation, in which she proposes moving beyond conceptions of a black/white binary towards the notion of a “field of racial positions” in which persons are located (or locate themselves, to the extent they have access to that power) based on degrees of relative foreignness and perceived inferiority. See Claire Jean Kim, “The Racial Triangulation of Asian Americans,” Politics and Society 27 (March 1999): 105–138.


See, for instance, Mia Tuan, Forever Foreigners or Honorary Whites? The Asian Ethnic Experience Today (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1998).


March 18, 1975 council resolution, Kenneth Hahn papers, Huntington Library. Gardena also participated in other coastal agreements and associations such as the South Bay City Managers Association, the Mutual Aid and Joint Powers Agreement, a reciprocal fire agreement, the South Bay Judicial District, the Southwest Superior Court District, the Harbor Junior College District, and the 21st district of the California Real Estate Association.


For more on African American reactions to Japanese American internment and postwar relations between the two groups, see Hillary Jenks, “‘Japanese Don't Believe in Evacuation’: Bronzeville, Little Tokyo, and the Unstable Geography of Race in Post-World War II Los Angeles,” Southern California Quarterly 93 (Summer 2011): 201–35.

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