In spite of the fact that the linchpin of the United Arab Emirates’ (UAE) politico-strategic objectives rests on keeping close connections to a small number of countries in the West and the Middle East, the Emiratis have in recent years strived to forge a somewhat multifaceted relationship with Asia. This is aiming primarily to secure the UAE’s own increasingly growing economic and financial interests in a resurgent East. The UAE seeks to make the most of its current regional standing and advantageous position by serving as a bridgehead of sorts to boost the sprouting presence of the rising Asian powers in the Middle East. The Asians are equally capitalizing on the Emirati looking East in order to vouchsafe their sedimented interests in the region and beyond.

Although the creation of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in 1971 was not an easy task given the geopolitics of the region, it nevertheless has given a strong push to the aspirations of the people of the region toward integration, which is a prerequisite for real development. However, these aspirations were shattered as soon as the founding fathers of the union passed from the scene and a new generation of leaders took up the helm. These new leaders not only failed to consolidate the progress that was made by the founding fathers, but also they have led the union in a new direction that proved to be detrimental to the long-run security and prosperity of its citizens, namely: more restrictions on individual freedoms and the adoption of a distorted model of development that have marginalized the role of citizens in the economy and have not reduced the country's dependence on oil. Therefore, the security and development of the country in the coming years will depend on the government's ability to open up politically and opt for a federal model of development and closer cooperation with both the Gulf states and the rest of the Arab world.

Israel has gradually extended its influence in Central Asia, both strengthening and diversifying bilateral relations there in order to open the doors of the region to its investments in ways that will bolster its position in Palestine and the region and have repercussions for Arab relations with the nations of Central Asia. Since the collapse of the former Soviet Union there has been an international scramble for influence in Central Asia and a race to penetrate its markets as well as to ensure access to its vast natural resources including oil, natural gas, gold and uranium. The mechanisms of influence – employed by various powers including Israel, Iran, Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Egypt (among others) – range from trade and economic incentives to joint business ventures and agreements to exchanges – technical, educational and cultural – as well cultural and religious initiatives inclusive of local Muslim populations and Jewish diasporas. This research paper seeks to respond to a number of important questions and significantly: What are the reasons for Israeli manoeuvring and penetration into Central Asia? What are the means by which Israel employs to facilitate the attendant processes? What are the factors that positively or negatively impact Israeli operations in the region? What are future scenarios for Israeli manoeuvring in and penetration of Central Asia? This paper operates on the hypothesis that Israeli penetration of Central Asia may have possible political and economic effects and negative repercussions for Arab relations with the region.

This paper gives a detailed, insider's look into the history and intricacies of the royal politics of the Āl Saﺀūd examining the factors that characterize and define the course of modern Saudi Arabia from tribal affiliations to Wahhābī muṭāwﺩah and muftis . The author examines the internal power struggles amidst the famous ‘Sudeiri Seven’ and their rival claimants to the throne as well as repercussions of the system and its underpinnings on the population as a whole. Oil, power‐politics, alliances with the United States and the particular means and apparatuses of control emanating from the Najd all factor in a regime that has marginalized significant sectors of society from inhabitants of the Ḥijāz to the Shīﺀah of the Eastern Province and which may or may not survive the effects of a population boom and high unemployment that coincide with an ever‐increasing number of claimants to a rule predicated on the ‘custodianship’ of Islam's two holiest cities.

The Arab oil industry provides on a steady basis approximately 20 million b/d of crude oil, compared to the global consumption of around 85 million b/d. Arab oil producers are committed to ensure stable oil markets and to balance global supply and demand, despite the many political crises in the region. The industry faces many challenges: dealing with stringent environmental standards, and providing the finance for its maintenance and expansion to meet rising world demand, as well as integrating its activities with the local economies through enhancing research and development, training and providing employment for nationals.