This paper uses a model of governance in higher education, called the political model, that explains the role of universities as agencies of control and socialization, with a resulting repercussion on the quality of education. It compares this model with common models such as the academic, Napoleonic, market-oriented and managerial. It undertakes a review of ten published cases studies, each dealing with the oldest public universities in ten Arab countries, using a historical approach, from their inception until 2016. Among the ten public universities, nine fall into the category of the political model, while the tenth represents the Napoleonic model. The discussion opens the field for further research.

This paper seeks to assess the nature and scope of open data in government (OPD/open public data) in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries of Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Following a qualitative approach, OPD portals of GCC countries are being studied besides seeking inputs from secondary data sources which are relevant in providing theoretical understanding of OPD. The paper shows that OPD in the GCC countries is in its nascent stage and little academic interest has been shown in this area. Future research should highlight the prospects of OPD implementation in the GCC countries given their strategic importance for many reasons. To ascertain that the OPD implementation gathers pace in the GCC countries, governments need to make more robust strategies in terms of physical and research infrastructure for better data analytics and utility. Hitherto, there has been no study covering the significance and implications of OPD in a GCC context; this is the first study to undertake this as its research theme. Furthermore, academic research on OPD in the GCC countries is lacking; the present study seeks to fill this gap.

This research paper focuses on Gulf–Iran relations within the framework of the bilateral relationship between Oman and Iran. This relationship is unique as well as distinct from Oman’s relations with the other nations of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and has a direct influence on Gulf regional security. Oman’s relationship with Iran has grown stronger and firmer after the events of the Arab Spring. This comes at a time when the Gulf countries are suffering worsening internal security, political and economic conditions and disagree amongst themselves about how to deal with Iran. Hence, the Omani-Iranian rapprochement is intensifying the security anxieties of the GCC countries. This paper examines the conceptual frameworks for security and cooperation within the GCC. Oman’s view on security and cooperation is seen in its foreign policy which adheres to non-intervention and neutrality in foreign affairs. Omani-Iranian relations are analyzed in how they affect Gulf integration and the role played by Oman in the Iranian nuclear deal. The paper concludes by discussing Oman’s position on the current conflict in Yemen and its effect on Gulf security as well as Oman’s role in mediation between the parties in the conflict.

Oman is currently experiencing a social and political crisis emanating from issues created by the declining health of Sultan Qaboos, as well as fundamental problems with the nature of the state's regime. Oman is a country renowned for its progressive and modern outlook, but in the last decade it has become increasingly alienated from its ruling authority. During the Omani Spring of 2011 popular protests took place demanding political change and greater rights, freedoms and improved living standards. Sultan Qaboos wisely responded to these protests with a package of reforms including some to the constitution and judicial institutions, but these have been thwarted by repressive measures by the security services and other agencies. More than four years on, Oman faces many challenges in launching a process of comprehensive reform that would lead to a transition to democracy and limited constitutional rule.