For more than twenty years, politics in Morocco has been witnessing a change in the cycles of protests under the influence of the parameters linked to the economic liberalization and evolution of the processes of disenchantment with a conventional political culture. The frequent use of repertories of collective action has not failed to shake the political and social landscape to the point that the demobilization of an area is followed by uprisings in neighboring sites. The response of public authorities varies according to the intensity and objectives of the social uprisings. This research is to study the evolution, over time, of the links between repression, the index of consumer prices of basic foodstuffs, and social uprisings. It covers about twenty years from January 1997 to November 2018. In addition to the descriptive temporal evolution, the work applies autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) modeling to examine whether there are short- and long-term associations between the variables mentioned above.

The general orientation to authority in Moroccan society is associated with dynamics that characterize it at the basic social level. Respect for authority tends to take the form of a syndrome forged in the sphere of convergent styles of family, pedagogical, and professional socialization, before being expressed as political loyalty. This articulation is at the very heart of the theory of congruence developed by Harry Eickstein, and recently taken up by other political scientists. The main idea put forward by the proponents of this theory is that the stability of the government is brought to bear when the models of authority on which it rests enjoy social fascination. The purpose of this article is to study the relationship between respect for authority in the three spheres of social and political work based on World Values Survey (WVS) data on Moroccan society ( N = 3651) including the family, workplace, and political world. The examination of the general configuration of the orientation to authority is parameterized according to the individualistic and collectivist profiles constructed in the WVS database, as categorical variables.

The main hypothesis of this study is based on a causal relation between certain forms of emerging political culture in urban ecology, among the dissatisfied democrats, and the political protest in Arab capitals. This hypothesis is based on an implicit implication that the modernization factors provided by the capitals’ urban ecology contribute to cultural transformations in emerging generations. These transformations are determined by the adoption of modern value systems represented by independence, self-expression and freedom. The demographic succession of generations – in addition to the transformations of economic and cultural conditions of socialization within the urban ecology – contributes to the deep and slow transition at the same time to new forms of meanings where modernity plays a significant role in their formulation. Therefore, it is expected that these transformations will take a more visible shape among the young and educated social groups, as they are the most exposed to waves of modernization. This paper studies the relationship between emerging political culture in Arab capitals and the engagement in political protest. It uses statistical analysis to see if there are substantial differences between the dissatisfied cultural trends and the allegiant trends, in light of demographic, value, moral and political variables. The methodology used is based on a synthesis between the authoritarian/democratic trends and self-esteem for institutional achievement (confidence in democratic political institutions such as parliament and government).