The rise of India presents Pakistan with a stark choice between seeking accommodation and maintaining the conventional rivalry that has largely defined the relationship between the two countries. The national and international climate is less favorable to Pakistan than it was a few decades back. The gap in performance between India and Pakistan in vital areas of national life has greatly widened.

In 2016, US strategic engagement in Asia faced a widening array of challenges emanating both from the region and, troublingly, from within America itself. As the new Donald Trump administration prepared to take office in January 2017, major uncertainties loomed over US Asia policy.

This article addresses the identifiable conditions for hedging strategies. By examining specific cases of policy choices and political situations in a triangular framework, the author suggests that Taiwan’s hedging behavior against China is sensitive to local variation in power capabilities, economic intention, and the security commitment from the United States.

Washington advanced its “rebalance” effort in Asia, with final agreement among the partners of the Trans-Pacific Partnership a major highlight in 2015. However, US diplomatic and military assets remained primarily focused in the Middle East, while the South China Sea and cybersecurity topped a worrisome list of US–China tensions.

The Russian government under Vladimir Putin has long-term geostrategic interests in Afghanistan: stability, economic development, and curbing narcotics flowing into Central Asia and thence to Russia. Moscow is in the difficult position of not wanting American forces to stay in Afghanistan but also not wanting the drawdown of forces to leave behind chaos.

After a fine start to 2014 for Russia with the Sochi Olympics, things quickly went rather bad. A collapsing oil price and Western sanctions after the annexation of Crimea crippled the ruble; a crisis in December left the currency’s value almost halved. Amid growing anxiety about Moscow's intentions among its Central Asian neighbors, Russia is facing possibly its deepest economic crisis since 1998. Relations with Europe and the U.S. are worse than at any time since the collapse of the Soviet Union.

China’s interests in and expectations from the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and Central Asia often overlap. China is currently developing cooperative institutions in areas such as security, energy, and economic development, among others. Subsequently, China finds itself in-between the SCO and Central Asia’s most difficult questions and dilemmas.

Fast aging in Northeast Asia has significant implications for the geopolitics and security dynamics of the region. The long-term impact of graying populations and substantial increases in social security spending might limit the regional arms race. By 2030, Japan, South Korea, and China will become too old for military rivalry.

Afghanistan confronted further turbulence in 2011, involving the assassinations of prominent figures, tense regional relations, and uncertainty about where the draw down of foreign forces in Afghanistan might lead. Popular confidence in Afghanistan's future direction remains weak, and President Hamid Karzai has had little success in boosting his government's standing.

Bangladesh in 2010 experienced a unique period in its domestic politics, and a boost in its bilateral and regional relationships. However, a fragile political system, poor human rights record, trade imbalances, and climate change vulnerabilities continued throughout the year and contributed to the everyday insecurities of the population.

Afghanistan in 2010 witnessed a number of important events including cabinet changes, legislative elections, and several major international conferences focused on its problems. It continued to be confronted by long-term problems of insecurity, compounded by uncertainty about both the trajectory of U.S. policy and the legitimacy of its own rulers.

The state-building endeavor in Afghanistan became more tenuous in 2009. Charges of increased corruption against Afghan government officials were highlighted in a presidential election marred by fraud. Taliban and other insurgent activities escalated to spread to most parts of the country. Relations between the Afghan government and the major international donor countries also deteriorated. However, member countries of the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan decided to increase international troop strength and tried to elicit greater commitment from the Afghan government to address problems of governance.

Timor-Leste (East Timor) appears to have put the crisis of 2006 behind it. No major outbreaks of violence recurred. The security dividend translated into tangible economic progress. Added to that, the otherwise impoverished, half-island Southeast Asian nation has joined the holders of sovereign funds. Still, macro-development indicators do not give cause for unbridled optimism.

Japan's reemergence as a "normal" military power has been accelerated by the "super-sizing" of North Korea: a product of the North's extant military threat, multiplied exponentially by its undermining of U.S.-Japan alliance solidarity, views of the North as a domestic "peril," and the North's utilization as a catch-all proxy for remilitarization.

Since 1992, Mongolia has sought to embed itself and its neighbors, Russia and China, in regional security arrangements and international law. This strategy can be categorized as preventive diplomacy and involves seeking to create a climate in which conflict will not arise, rather than managing conflict after it has emerged.

The state-building endeavor in Afghanistan came to the brink in 2008 with the Taliban insurgency taking control of some southern districts, high poppy production fueling the illicit economy, widespread charges of corruption, and a looming humanitarian disaster. Afghans increasingly became disillusioned by high civilian casualties and the government's failure to provide improved socioeconomic conditions. By year's end, there was also increased pressure for negotiations with moderate Taliban elements.

In the post-Cold War era, India and Japan have been moving closer. The possibility of a comprehensive engagement appears quite likely. This article analyzes the new phase of improved Indo-Japanese bilateral relations and explores the variables contributing to this emerging trend. It also examines continuing obstacles to fully cementing ““strategic”” relations between the two countries.

Since the collapse of the U.S.-North Korea Agreed Framework in 2002, the Bush administration has failed to restrain North Korea's nuclear weapons ambitions, principally because of the constraints of highly idealized convictions. Resolution of the Korean nuclear crisis now depends on U.S. initiative beyond the boundaries of these predispositions and beyond the terms of the nuclear crisis itself.

In 2006 Mongolia saw expanding foreign relations, growing domestic political difficulties, and continuing, though complicated, economic growth. The country's political consolidation has seen rocky times, with infighting dominating all sides. Despite remarkable economic growth, Mongolia struggles with the pacing of reforms, a shortage of basic services, and a widening income gap.