I coded 166 pieces published in the Kantipur and Nagarik daily newspapers from 2008 to 2016 to analyze Nepalese media perception of the growing claims of India–China competition in Nepal. India is perceived as primarily responsible for the political instability in Nepal, and India–China competition is perceived as a secondary, much smaller factor. China itself is not perceived as contributing to political instability in Nepal; it is perceived as indifferent to Nepalese politics. Indian over-engagement, suggestions, and even pressures in Nepal are perceived as interventions in Nepalese politics, while China has successfully cultivated an image of cooperation and of indifference to internal Nepalese affairs.

In 2015, Mongolia continued to realize some of its significant economic and democratic potential. At the same time, it faced notable economic hurdles, some of its own making and some created externally in its tough immediate neighborhood.

It was all about Abe in 2014. With few intra-party challengers, a divided and weak opposition, and a huge victory in a December snap election gamble, Japan’s Prime Minister Abe finds unusual scope to lead the nation both domestically as well as internationally in his chosen course of “proactive pacifism.”

This paper examines China’s strategic interests in Australia. From the security perspective, Beijing hopes that Australia will be a constructive factor for its peaceful rise. On the economic side, Beijing hopes that the bilateral relationship will ensure sufficient and sustainable resources and energy supplies from Australia for China's domestic needs.

The year 2012 saw rapid economic growth, resource development, and a young, dynamic population starting to change the face of Lao public life. The governing Lao People’s Revolutionary Party was quick to claim across the board success. There remain, however, significant caveats: success has been moderate, and growth has come with human costs.

The “ASEAN family” of regional security institutions has a mixed record: it has proved very helpful in improving interstate trust, fairly helpful in managing peaceful change, somewhat helpful in enhancing regime stability, but virtually useless in resolving interstate conflict. Overall, East Asia remains dominated by conventional forms of international relations.

Overall, 2011 was a year of significant change in Myanmar. By year-end, there was hope that political and economic reforms—incomplete and fragile—were at last underway. Myanmar continued to be an important regional exporter of energy and resources, but in other areas underperformed. Myanmar's international relations improved, and U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton visited at the end of November.

Tensions in the international arena are linked here to problems in contemporary Vietnam. Eroding domestic political authority is related to the lack of political reconstruction to suit a market economy and an increasingly open society. At the close of 2011, it appears that there is as yet no clear path forward.

Laos in 2009 was colored by the Southeast Asian Games held in December, and by the effects of the global financial crisis. Growth rates declined as foreign investment, primarily in hydroelectric power and infrastructure, was postponed. Simultaneously, efforts were made to strengthen the reputation of the country internationally.

In 2006 Mongolia saw expanding foreign relations, growing domestic political difficulties, and continuing, though complicated, economic growth. The country's political consolidation has seen rocky times, with infighting dominating all sides. Despite remarkable economic growth, Mongolia struggles with the pacing of reforms, a shortage of basic services, and a widening income gap.