Mongolia in 2020 recorded no COVID-19 deaths, despite its proximity to China, the original hotbed of the outbreak. Yet GDP and exports decreased and unemployment, poverty, crime, and domestic abuse rose, in large part due to the disease. Facing desertification, climate change, overgrazing, and mining damage to pastureland, herders who could not eke out a living continued to migrate to Ulaanbaatar, the capital city, and lived in tents, with no running water and poor sanitation. Elections for the Parliament were held, with the Mongolian People’s Party dominating, but corruption and accusations of money laundering prompted a lack of faith in the government. On the other hand, Mongolia maintained cordial relations with China and Russia, its neighbors, as well as with distant countries.

Why do social movement participants turn to elections to advance their goals? Little scholarship has examined movement–election connections at the micro level, and cases from nondemocratic settings are few. After the 2014 Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong failed to achieve substantive results, very few occupiers ran as candidates in the next two general elections. Drawing on interviews with Umbrella candidates and campaign assistants, I argue that after being politicized by the occupation, those candidates used the authoritarian elections to prolong their challenge. They ran to prove that the occupation, though it had failed, did enjoy popular support, thus turning the elections into electoral “moments”: eruptions of civic energy. Their campaigns were also direct challenges to the existing parties. However, they were constrained by electoral logic. Candidates therefore devised various tactics to justify their decision, and to differentiate themselves from conventional candidates.

Democracy is a contested concept; this article empirically examines how Chinese people understand the concept of democracy in practice when they use this term. Using four rounds of national survey data, we seek to clarify the characteristics of the Chinese people’s perception of democracy and its longitudinal changes during the past few decades. The results show an increase in the percentage of people who view democracy procedurally. The popular perception of democracy does matter. People who view democracy substantively tend to see democracy as less suitable for China, and to overrate the democratic level of the current regime, compared to those who view democracy procedurally. No matter how people perceive it, satisfaction with democracy has declined over the past decade. The demographic analysis shows that Chinese youth adhere to a procedural concept of democracy more than a substantive one, which has important implications for China’s future political development.

A tumultuous year brought Indonesia from a polarizing general election to disparate waves of mass protests that tested the state’s tether and revealed frailties in democratic consolidation. Granted a second term, President Joko Widodo ratcheted up plans for infrastructure and human resource development, wooing foreign capital despite a challenging global environment.

The Duterte administration has facilitated a new autonomous arrangement in Muslim Mindanao, and congressional allies passed some popular laws. In the midterms, Duterte-backed candidates dominated both national and local elections. However, the promised charter change has floundered, economic growth has been tempered, and the drug war has not succeeded.

In 2018, ever-incumbent Prime Minister Hun Sen scored a landslide victory in the Cambodian general elections. Three factors in particular explain this outcome. First, the elimination of the main opposition party, whose strategy of a peaceful election boycott failed. Second, favorable economic conditions and government handouts of spoils to constituencies that traditionally supported the opposition. Third, the weak leverage of the United States and the EU, and the Hun Sen regime’s strong links with China.

This article argues that new personality-centric movements have redefined the nexus between activism and electoral politics in Indonesia. It illustrates how these movements have challenged the role of political parties and consultants in electoral campaigning, and how their growing prominence may affect the future trajectory of Indonesian politics.

Why do candidates give voters handouts during political campaigns? Drawing on qualitative data from Mumbai, this article argues that competitive elections prompt candidates to distribute handouts for strategic reasons. While they know handouts to be inefficient, candidates face a prisoner’s dilemma. Fearing that their opponents will distribute handouts, they distribute them themselves to counter, or neutralize, their opponents’ strategies.

Despite challenges, Nepal held local and national-level elections this year, the first under its 2015 constitution. A surprising leftist alliance now controls the legislature, while a wide range of parties fill local-level offices. Nepal still faces natural and economic headwinds, but political stability will lessen their effects.

Following the epochal funeral of the late King Bhumibol Adulyadej in October 2017, Thailand stands at a difficult crossroads. A new constitution was ratified in April, and the military junta is running out of reasons to stick around. Yet Thailand remains deeply polarized politically, while King Vajiralongkorn is untested and lacks popular legitimacy.

The year 2017 dawned in Timor-Leste with positive promises. Diplomatic efforts to secure a new maritime boundary and improve access to natural resources ended in a favorable deal. Elections let people have a voice on disputes of the previous year. But the returns took many by surprise, and instability returned to the arena.

This paper examines the full cycle of political power transitions and the dynamics of party competition during the 2016 parliamentary and 2017 presidential elections in Mongolia. It argues that the existence of multiple interlinked patronage networks and factionalism explains the persistence of the electoral democracy in Mongolia. The article focuses on the internal politics of the Democratic Party.

The Japanese Communist Party’s tumultuous electoral performance, especially the sudden surge in the 2014 general election, is an intriguing phenomenon. Analysis of electoral data reveals that a large number of votes shifted back and forth between the Communists and a few new right-wing parties in the last three elections.

The ethnic politics literature assumes that one’s ethnic identity is readily identifiable. This paper evaluates how well this assumption holds in practice, drawing on a voter survey in the Indian state of Bihar. While voters often misidentify the identity of their candidate, the degree of error is small but systematic.

Through its use of the microblogging site Twitter during the 2014 Indian election campaign, the Bharatiya Janata Party successfully set the election agenda around development and governance to discredit the Congress Party. Combining its use of Twitter with conventional campaigning, the BJP also personalized the electoral narrative by making the leadership of Narendra Modi the centerpiece of its strategy.

Mongolians in 2016 resisted populism, streamed to the polls, and ensured a change in government. Populist candidates were soundly defeated, surprising in the context of a dire economic situation and a crushing public debt that left the new government almost no room for legislative initiatives.

Events in Thailand during 2016 were overshadowed by the death of long-reigning King Bhumibol Adulyadej on October 13, and the entire nation’s mourning. Despite the popular approval of a new constitution in August 2016, Thailand’s military regime showed no sign of relinquishing power during this time of considerable national anxiety.

The People’s Action Party’s unexpectedly strong win in Singapore’s September 2015 general election illuminates the dynamics of opposition under electoral authoritarianism. The conduct and outcome of the election raise questions not just of why the much-hyped opposition efforts fizzled, but also of the implications for Singapore politics, moving forward.

Other than the South China Sea (SCS) disputes, the Philippines in 2015 faced the same conditions as in 1996: keeping a sustainable peace in Mindanao, presidential elections, and a promising economy. The year was capped by the country’s hosting of the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Summit. Chinese assertiveness challenged ASEAN’s unity and made closer Philippine ties to Washington and Tokyo an imperative.

Are certain kinds of candidates more likely to do better in elections than others? Using a unique dataset on the characteristics of candidates in elections in the north Indian state of Haryana, this study finds that certain candidate characteristics are associated with greater vote shares.