The policy orientations reflected in the fifth amendment to China’s constitution combine some elements of Maoism (an emphasis on ideology, the party, and personality cult); some of the constitutional formality of the Republican era (1912–1949), such as Sun Yat-sen’s Wuquan Xianfa (Five Powers Constitution); and some elements of the legal tradition of China’s imperial past. These policy orientations were justified by a Maoist philosophical voluntarism: the relative detachment between the “economic base” and the “superstructure” justified the persistence of the Chinese cultural tradition and the notion that political reform does not have to accompany economic reform. On those areas that do not represent an imminent threat to the regime, such as economics and law in general, the fifth amendment is purposely vague, to give the regime flexibility in policymaking.

The Najib government continued to consolidate its political hold on Malaysia in 2017. Various factors, including a moderately improved economic situation and a relatively generous 2018 budget, suggested that it had good prospects for winning the next election, to be held at the latest in August 2018. Beyond party politics, however, there were indications of deep change taking place in Malaysian society—deep enough to raise questions about the nation’s identity.

Following the epochal funeral of the late King Bhumibol Adulyadej in October 2017, Thailand stands at a difficult crossroads. A new constitution was ratified in April, and the military junta is running out of reasons to stick around. Yet Thailand remains deeply polarized politically, while King Vajiralongkorn is untested and lacks popular legitimacy.

Events in Thailand during 2016 were overshadowed by the death of long-reigning King Bhumibol Adulyadej on October 13, and the entire nation’s mourning. Despite the popular approval of a new constitution in August 2016, Thailand’s military regime showed no sign of relinquishing power during this time of considerable national anxiety.

In 2016 Sri Lanka saw political stability and some initiatives toward ethnic reconciliation. The economy continued to grow steadily. Some progress was made toward a better institutional infrastructure to protect human rights. However, hostility between President Sirisena and loyalists to former President Rajapaksa presages political turmoil in 2017 that could imperil constitutional reform and ethnic reconciliation.

The general election dominated events in Myanmar, while the government pushed for a Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement before the polls. Attention was drawn to student protests and the plight of the Rohingya boat people. Major flooding caused havoc throughout the country and moderated expectations for economic growth. Throughout the year, the government and opposition parties dealt with internal management issues, voter and candidate lists, and partisan electoral politics.

Under the military regime, Thailand struggled to design a new constitution. As the recently drafted document was rejected, another Constitutional Drafting Committee was installed, in effect delaying the return to electoral democracy for almost a year, until mid-2017 or so. Meanwhile, a bomb blast in downtown Bangkok that killed about 20 people revealed not only the risk of international terrorism but also the dilemma of Thai foreign policy.

Nepal faced massive earthquakes, which killed, displaced, or traumatized thousands of people, but it also ratified a new constitution and elected its first female head of state. Bhutan celebrated the legacy of King Jigme Singye Wangchuck, made advances in its hydropower infrastructure, and strengthened political relationships with its neighbors.

Myanmar saw some progress in efforts at constitutional amendment and ceasefire negotiations, both pressing issues. Attempts to introduce proportional representation failed in the lower house of Parliament. Critics pointed out stalled reforms. The economy achieved high growth, and foreign direct investment increased. Myanmar reveled in its role as ASEAN chair and host for President Obama’s visit.

Both Nepal and Bhutan formed new parliamentary governments in 2014. In both cases, a new party took control, but major policies remained unchanged. Many people experienced hardships in buying basic commodities (because of inflation in Nepal and a subsidy dispute in Bhutan). Nepal faced three natural disasters.

This essay reviews Vietnamese politics in 2013 through the lens of the constitutional drafting process and the unprecedented confidence vote in the National Assembly. Both events were framed by the country’s ongoing economic struggles, elite political contestation, international integration, and a more informed public, fueled by an increasingly active blogosphere. The events foreshadow how future Vietnamese leaders can no longer rely on deep reservoirs of patriotism for legitimacy. Performance matters now more than ever.

The year 2013 in Myanmar saw parliaments disagreeing with the executive. A joint parliamentary committee to review and amend the Constitution was formed. Western sanctions were virtually withdrawn. A resurgence of communal violence, the emergence of Buddhist nationalism, and public protest over mega-projects, land rights, wage disputes, and freedom to demonstrate were worrisome developments. A nationwide ceasefire agreement remained elusive.

The dominant issue in Myanmar throughout 2010 was the elections finally held on November 7. These were the culmination of the ruling junta's roadmap toward "disciplined democracy" but were neither free nor fair. A major development the same month was the release from house arrest of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, which drew worldwide attention. Myanmar's economy continued to underperform.

Thailand's adoption of a new constitution in 1997 was meant to advance far-reaching reforms in the country's democratic development. A decade later, it is clear that these constitutional reforms failed. The Constitution unintentionally consolidated Prime Minister Thaksin's grip on power and indirectly precipitated the conditions for the 2006 coup. This article argues that the drafters' search for a more stable democratic government helped produce an electoral authoritarian regime that triggered the military to intervene.

The year 2007 marked a return to parliamentary rule in Thailand, with a new Constitution approved in August and elections in December. With democracy, some fear the return of popular former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, overthrown in the coup of 2006. Attempts by the coup group to contain Thaksin's influence continued throughout the year.

Political reform and the Asian financial crisis set the pretexts for the Thai political crisis. The financial crisis spawned certain big businesses that survived the economic downturn, while the 1997 Constitution eased their ability to make political inroads. In the end, Thaksin's business-centered administration so disrupted the traditional bases of society and government that it was overthrown by a coup d'éétat in 2006.