...Christopher Clary Russia–Pakistan relations have improved since the end of the Cold War. While that trend is likely to continue, Russia is unlikely to transform Pakistan’s difficult strategic circumstances. Russia is insufficiently wealthy to provide enough aid and investment to revitalize...

...Sheena Chestnut Greitens Russia’s decision to invade Ukraine in February 2022 posed challenges for the People’s Republic of China and its priorities. This article assesses the Chinese party-state’s response across four dimensions: informational, diplomatic, economic, and military-strategic. Beijing...

...Daniel Markey; Jacob Larsen Russia’s invasion of Ukraine will have indirect consequences for relations between India and China. In the near term, those consequences appear to be mixed and limited. Over the long term, however, Moscow’s strategic misadventure threatens Russia’s position...

...Terence Roehrig When Russia invaded Ukraine, South Korea’s initial response was cautious. While criticizing Moscow’s actions, the Moon administration also indicated it would join any multilateral sanctions effort but would not impose its own unilateral sanctions as the United States, the European...

...Spenser A. Warren; Sumit Ganguly India and Russia have enjoyed a strong relationship since the collapse of the Soviet Union, partially as a legacy of the Indo–Soviet partnership during the Cold War. But how will this invasion impact future relations between New Delhi and Moscow? We argue...

...Niklas Swanström I examine the relationship between Russia and the other members of the Commonwealth of Independent States, including how Moscow’s responses to changing geopolitical dynamics framed these relations in 2019. In particular, I consider the changes in preparation for Russia to assume...

...Jing Sun This paper examines the Japanese factors behind the stalemate between Japan and Russia. It treats the territorial dispute not as a core reason but as a consequence of deeper problems, both emotive and structural. Japanese leaders cannot challenge the multiple forces keeping them from...

...Glenn Diesen Russia’s effort to become a geoeconomic power in Asia alters the dynamics of the territorial dispute with Japan. Both Moscow and Tokyo aim to prevent Russia’s geoeconomic “pivot to Asia” becoming merely a pivot to China. Yet, a settlement is obstructed by the growing geoeconomic value...

...Natasha Kuhrt; Filippo Costa Buranelli Since the annexation of Crimea in 2014, Russia’s “eastward pivot” has intensified, mainly observable as strengthened relations with China, which appear to be evolving into a quasi-alliance. This places in question Russian attempts at diversification...

...Ekaterina Koldunova Both Russia’s 2012 APEC chairmanship and recent dynamics in its dialogue partnership with ASEAN indicate Russia’s intention and ability to act as a constructive player engaged in regional institutional activities in East Asia. However, the implementation of this intention faces...

...Elizabeth Wishnick Russia’s cooperative approach to Asia contrasts with its assertiveness in Europe and the Middle East, though the Russian military also has made provocative maneuvers near Japan and US Pacific bases. Ukraine may be far from the Asia-Pacific, but the Ukrainian conflict also casts...

...Kathryn Stoner The Russian government under Vladimir Putin has long-term geostrategic interests in Afghanistan: stability, economic development, and curbing narcotics flowing into Central Asia and thence to Russia. Moscow is in the difficult position of not wanting American forces to stay...

...Andrew C. Kuchins After a fine start to 2014 for Russia with the Sochi Olympics, things quickly went rather bad. A collapsing oil price and Western sanctions after the annexation of Crimea crippled the ruble; a crisis in December left the currency’s value almost halved. Amid growing anxiety about...

...Andrew C. Kuchins As global demand for energy supplies grew, Russia's Far East and Eastern Siberia in 2013 acquired ever more importance in the region's geopolitics. Moscow and Beijing reached accord on joint development of key oil fields in Eastern Siberia. But Moscow used arms sales to Vietnam...

...Isabelle Facon Given China’s rising power and its growing influence in post-Soviet Central Asia, Russia’s active advertising of the merits of the China-inspired Shanghai Cooperation Organization looks surprising. However, when one explores the many geopolitical advantages that Moscow can extract...

...Charles E. Ziegler This paper examines U.S. engagement in Central Asia over the past two decades, with specific reference to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. While alarmist voices occasionally warn of the threat to American interests from China and Russia through the SCO, the organization’s...

...Jean-Pierre Cabestan The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) appears today as a mature, comprehensive, and inclusive intergovernmental regional organization. However, co-piloted by China and Russia, the SCO’s course still raises many questions about its objectives, priorities, and, more...

...Yusin Lee This paper analyzes the potential risks of the Russia-North Korea-South Korea (RNS) gas pipeline, comparing it with the Russia-Ukraine-Europe (RUE) pipeline. I argue that the possibility of disputes is much higher in the RNS case. Furthermore, I propose that the South Korean government...

... reset Russia GORDON M. HAHN Russia in 2012 From Thaw and Reset to Freeze ABSTRACT Russian history is replete with zig-zags between reform and reaction, ottepel (thaw) and moroz (freezing), turns to and from the East and West. The year 2012 marked another zig-zag as Putin returned...

...Peter M. Beck North Korea underwent a seemingly seamless leadership transition from father to son in the midst of a struggling economy and widespread hunger. The North drew even closer to China but also reached out to the United States and Russia for the first time in several years. Meanwhile...