In 2018 Japan’s Liberal Democratic Party announced four new proposals to amend the seven-decades-old and thus-far unamended constitution of Japan. These include adding a third paragraph to Article 9, as well as state-of-emergency provisions, support for students in need, and changes to the electoral system. By analyzing each proposal’s place in the debate on amendments dating back to the 1950s, I show that these very different proposals share one important feature that sets them apart from recent drafts aiming for wholesale reform of the constitution: they are relatively minimalist in nature. This new modesty is due to the necessity to win over other parties and voters, but it is also an attempt to cement rather than to change the LDP-made status quo.

In recent years, the Japanese conservatives’ dominance in local politics appears to be less of an asset, as traditional analyses claim, and more of a liability. This article argues that the LDP’s entrenched local party organizations have become a restraint on party leadership in pursing key national policy initiatives.

Japan’s conservative Liberal Democratic Party swept both houses of parliament in December 2012 and July 2013 on a platform of Keynesian spending. Better known for fiscal stringency, the LDP “changed its spots” in part because 1994 electoral reforms force parties to compete on party platforms in place of clientelism.

The Democratic Party of Japan's first full year in office was rocky, with open competition for party leadership sandwiched between diplomatic rows with the U.S. and China. If bumps in the road are inevitable for a new party in government, the Japanese public has made an investment in the long-term health of its democracy.

The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) defeated the Liberal Democratic Party in a lower house election, ending its 54-year reign. The DPJ began bold steps to democratize Japan's political system and reconsider the country's position vis-àà-vis the U.S. and Asia.

Politicians and parties may devise informal norms of behavior to help assure their political survival following the adoption of a new electoral system. This article focuses on the development and consequences of ““Costa Rica”” arrangements——an alternation strategy used in Japan's new electoral system for the lower house.