This paper examines how Macau, with a different political and legal system under the “one country, two systems” principle, fits into China’s securitization and what impact that has on its local governance. We argue that in recent years Macau’s legal system has gradually transformed into a means of social control. Through case files related to the Assembly and Demonstration Law drawn from the Court of Final Appeal, we demonstrate that although Macau is unlike Hong Kong, where dissidents are subject to severe repression, Beijing’s emphasis on national security has weakened the checks-and-balances function of Macau’s legal system and substantially narrowed the scope of freedom of speech, even though it is nominally guaranteed and protected by the Basic Law.

Why do social movement participants turn to elections to advance their goals? Little scholarship has examined movement–election connections at the micro level, and cases from nondemocratic settings are few. After the 2014 Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong failed to achieve substantive results, very few occupiers ran as candidates in the next two general elections. Drawing on interviews with Umbrella candidates and campaign assistants, I argue that after being politicized by the occupation, those candidates used the authoritarian elections to prolong their challenge. They ran to prove that the occupation, though it had failed, did enjoy popular support, thus turning the elections into electoral “moments”: eruptions of civic energy. Their campaigns were also direct challenges to the existing parties. However, they were constrained by electoral logic. Candidates therefore devised various tactics to justify their decision, and to differentiate themselves from conventional candidates.

This article casts new light on the role played by post-handover Hong Kong in China’s financial globalization. The power of the city’s markets aside, Hong Kong possesses critical political leverage that has facilitated Beijing’s liberalizing of its domestic capital market and its projection of international financial power.

By examining the origins of Macao’s 2014 protest against the Retirement Package Bill, this paper intends to answer whether Macao is encountering a governance crisis like Hong Kong’s. Through a careful comparison, it concludes that Macao and Hong Kong are unlikely to follow the same political development trajectory, as there are considerable differences in the level of social mobilization and governmental coercive capacity between the two cities.

Following a court ruling that babies born to mainlanders in Hong Kong are permanent residents, private hospitals cashed in by expanding services and raising fees, leading to an outburst of anti–mainland Chinese sentiment. This study challenges conventional accounts of intergroup conflicts highlighting economic contradictions between in-group and out-group or faulting the state for blaming local problems on the out-group.

This article examines two political and constitutional issues arising from scandals concerning the past and present Hong Kong Chief Executive. These relate to whether existing measures are sufficient to ensure integrity in high office and to the role of the Chief Executive after the introduction of universal suffrage in 2017.

This study, based on analysis of survey data collected in 2011 in Taiwan and Hong Kong, shows that cultural identification explains the choice of country and national identities and that Chinese nationalism emerges as an important factor connecting the minds of people in mainland China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong.

Similar to its colonial predecessor, the post-colonial Hong Kong state relies on its business allies to mediate state-society relations. Nevertheless, because of the erosion of the intermediary role of business elites, the state-business alliance now struggles to accommodate the rising challenges of civil society. The case of Hong Kong offers an interesting case study to the literature on hybrid regimes.

Hong Kong's civil society has remained vibrant since the sovereignty handover in 1997, thanks to an active defense by the democratic movement against Beijing's attempts to control civil liberties. Hong Kong is becoming mainland China's offshore civil society, serving as a free platform for information circulation and organizing among mainland activists and intellectuals.

We examine Hong Kong's role in the modernization of manufacturing industries in Mainland China and its province of Guangdong. Hong Kong's role has evolved from trading intermediary to low-cost mainland manufacturer to provider of key business, fnancial, and supply chain services.

The importance of Hong Kong's role as fnancier, coach, and physical gateway in the development of container ports and highways in China is diminishing. However, the development of the global supply chain transcends physical boundaries: Hong Kong adapts continuously, and is now taking on bridging and differentiating roles in third-party logistics services.

Hong Kong property developers helped Shanghai become a "global city," revitalizing the city core, hosting multinational corporations, and attracting global talent. They transformed the property sector's standards, urban life, and government revenues. Ironically, Shanghai's challenge to Hong Kong is derived from innovations by the same developers who created Hong Kong's remarkable property market.

This paper explores how Hong Kong has influenced Chinese politics and governance in the constitutional, political, ideational, and intergovernmental dimensions since 1997. Despite the growing political and economic impact of the Mainland on the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, the latter has continued to influence the Mainland, especially southern China.

We argue that the transition to Chinese authority has not undermined democratic governance in Hong Kong and that voice and accountability have improved since the handover. We seek to explain this surprising result and conclude with a discussion of the implications of our findings for China, Taiwan, and cross-strait relations.

This article discusses the trajectory of citizenship (re-)formation in relation to governance strategies in Hong Kong. Extending Marshall's theory with a notion of democratic citizenship, it shows how the governance strategies become increasingly inadequate and how civil society's new proposals outgrow the conventional model of citizenship.

The present constitutional system of Hong Kong is supposedly executive-led. In reality, it is a system of "disabled governance." This article uses recent institutional theories to reveal the weaknesses of the Basic Law regime. It contends that if Hong Kong democratizes under the Basic Law institutional framework, it will not be able to promote good and effective governance.

Through analyzing primary and secondary data, this paper argues that flexible employment practices in Hong Kong are largely employer-driven. This feature is explicable by the low level of government intervention in industrial relations, the development of the labor movement, and the Asian financial crisis that accentuated employers' prerogatives in employment relations.

Premised upon the argument that the professional norm of objectivity is intricately related to the strategic struggle for press freedom in post-handover Hong Kong, this article examines how citizens' beliefs in media neutrality——a central manifestation of objectivity——relate to their perceptions of media self-censorship and press freedom.

Functional representation was introduced to Hong Kong's legislature in 1985. Voting records show that functional representatives have a proclivity to veto motions that advocate democratic and accountable governance and a fairer socioeconomic order. This essentially blocks the articulation of public aspirations and renders democratization, as well as the stability and harmony of Hong Kong society, ever more uncertain.

This paper reports a fairly common contradictory view held in Hong Kong society——the support of universal suffrage and preservation of functional constituency at the same time.