We use spatial econometrics on a unique data set covering 229 Korean regions to analyze the outcome of Korea’s 2017 presidential election. We see strong statistical evidence of spatial correlation, suggesting that neighboring regions vote similarly, which is in accord with findings in the international context. Our findings are distinct in that we see little evidence that Korea’s 2017 outcome was driven by the economic disparities between the southeast and the southwest, a highly sensitive political issue in the country. Voters’ region of origin and age are the two most important factors in vote choice, irrespective of the socioeconomic and demographic characteristics of their regions.

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor is often portrayed as the flagship project of the Belt and Road Initiative. While much attention has been devoted to its geopolitical repercussions, its impacts on Pakistan’s federal system and interprovincial relations have not yet been explored. Organized around interviews conducted in 2015, 2018, and 2019, this article demonstrates that the construction of the economic corridor is acting as a centripetal force in Pakistan’s federal structure, despite the potential for such a large external investment to redress the disparities between provinces.

This paper discusses the dynamics between Myanmar’s peace process, its mismanagement of the Rohingya crisis, and China’s strategic interests in Myanmar. It examines how internal ethnic conflicts in Myanmar will transpire and the implications for China’s grand strategy of One Belt One Road in the region.

In the South China Sea territorial disputes, China has shifted from a delaying strategy characterized by strategic ambiguity to strategic clarity and an increasingly assertive stance. Yet, this power play, asserting sovereignty over a large portion of the South China Sea, has not prompted a decisive push-back from regional states or major powers, raising the question of what kind of norms China will bring to the regional order and indicating the difficulty of building rules-based order in a region characterized by unbounded power politics in a twenty-first-century Hobbesian struggle.

This article explores the politics surrounding the recent data transfer agreement between Japan and the European Union, with a focus on the linkage between Japanese domestic politics and foreign pressure on Japan’s personal information protection policy. The agreement may be seen as one of mutual recognition, in that Japan and the EU mutually recognized the other as providing an “adequate level of protection” for personal data. However, a close examination of the case suggests that Japan made substantial efforts to meet the EU’s standards for adequacy in order to enhance the interests of transnationalized Japanese firms that rely on the flow of personal information across borders. In sum, the latest changes in Japanese personal information protection regulation paved the way for the Japan-EU data transfer agreement; these changes were precipitated by the extraterritorial effect of the EU’s data protection laws, which had resonated within Japan’s domestic politics.

I coded 166 pieces published in the Kantipur and Nagarik daily newspapers from 2008 to 2016 to analyze Nepalese media perception of the growing claims of India–China competition in Nepal. India is perceived as primarily responsible for the political instability in Nepal, and India–China competition is perceived as a secondary, much smaller factor. China itself is not perceived as contributing to political instability in Nepal; it is perceived as indifferent to Nepalese politics. Indian over-engagement, suggestions, and even pressures in Nepal are perceived as interventions in Nepalese politics, while China has successfully cultivated an image of cooperation and of indifference to internal Nepalese affairs.

Democracy is a contested concept; this article empirically examines how Chinese people understand the concept of democracy in practice when they use this term. Using four rounds of national survey data, we seek to clarify the characteristics of the Chinese people’s perception of democracy and its longitudinal changes during the past few decades. The results show an increase in the percentage of people who view democracy procedurally. The popular perception of democracy does matter. People who view democracy substantively tend to see democracy as less suitable for China, and to overrate the democratic level of the current regime, compared to those who view democracy procedurally. No matter how people perceive it, satisfaction with democracy has declined over the past decade. The demographic analysis shows that Chinese youth adhere to a procedural concept of democracy more than a substantive one, which has important implications for China’s future political development.

South Korea and Taiwan are former Japanese colonies that have undergone similar processes of state-building since WWII. But they have chosen different rhetorical frameworks in their maritime disputes with Japan. In South Korea, negotiating with Japan can be viewed as threatening the country’s independence and pride, whereas in the Taiwanese government, cooperation with Japan is considered mutually beneficial. Why have these two countries taken such divergent stances toward Japan? This article examines the territorial disputes between South Korea and Japan over Dokdo, and between Taiwan and Japan over the Senkaku Islands. It sets forth a rhetorical framework of comparison, and it proposes a constructivist perspective in understanding South Korea’s and Taiwan’s legitimation strategies toward Japan from the late 1990s to 2018. This comparative study suggests that the differences between their legitimation strategies can be traced to their different colonial experiences with Japan.

Representation is always a dynamic relation, a tatonnement , in which the represented adjust their preferences on the basis of beliefs induced by the representatives. All rulers—those selected in clean elections, those who hold such ceremonies without putting their power at stake, and those who do not even bother to hold them—claim to have reasons to be followed, and people are willing to follow them if they believe these are good reasons. Thus, individual preferences, “wills,”are influenced by the relation of representation. The controversial issue is whether the relation of representation can be assessed when preferences are endogenous, in particular when people are not exposed to a plurality of reasons.

China’s growing development assistance has become commonly perceived as a threat to the autonomy and development of Southeast Asian countries that had promoted by Japan in the past. This paper challenges that understanding by comparing China’s development assistance with Japan’s engagement in the region. The comparison supports an alternative perspective, which sees Chinese development assistance as favorable for Japan’s interests.

It is widely believed that Pakistan’s newly demonstrated nuclear weapons capability emboldened that country to launch what became the Kargil conflict of 1999 and correspondingly restrained India in responding to the attack. This article argues, however, that decision-making on both sides was driven by non-nuclear factors.

One of the public’s popular beliefs about politics is that politicians engage in rent-seeking behaviors, such as accumulating property, using their political power. By applying a regression discontinuity design, this study examines whether members of the National Assembly of South Korea gained assets during three elective terms (2004–2008, 2008–2012, and 2012–2016). The results contradict the public’s claim. In general, there is minimal evidence that election winners accumulate more assets than runners-up. And observing the winners’ premium for newly elected politicians in the 2012–2016 term, I find that it is related to a political support fund, which is a legitimate channel for politicians’ funding. The results suggest that an information disclosure policy can play a pivotal role in restricting politicians’ rent-seeking behaviors.

Despite burgeoning research on the internationalization of the Chinese renminbi, there has been surprisingly little systematic analysis of how the renminbi is actually used in foreign markets. This study provides a cross-country analysis of renminbi use in offshore foreign exchange markets, with special attention to the effects of the cooperative policy measures adopted by China and foreign states to promote the renminbi’s international use. We find that a country’s participation in the Renminbi Qualified Foreign Institutional Investor scheme (which expands its renminbi investment opportunities) and its establishment of an offshore renminbi clearing bank (which provides better renminbi payment services), but not its entry into a renminbi–local currency swap agreement, facilitate use of the renminbi in its foreign exchange markets. States have played a significant role in the rise of the renminbi as a newly internationalizing currency.

We propose the logic of communitive action to analyze digitally networked social movements. Through an examination of Taiwan’s Sunflower Movement and Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement, we offer an explanatory framework of community consciousness that elucidates a new type of leadership, and discuss crowdsourcing as a supplement to the theory of social movements in the digital age.

In this article, we join an ongoing debate among Western scholars on political representation and argue that political representation is undergoing a transformation stimulated by the rapid proliferation of the new information and communication technologies. We propose that in China, the new social media have stimulated a shift from representation by official organizations to bottom-up self-representation, and from mandate political representation to embodiment. To grasp this change, we select private entrepreneurs as our focus of study and propose the concept of “connective representation.” Drawing on fieldwork in China from 2015 through 2019 and on analysis of online materials, we demonstrate how private entrepreneurs in China form and advance their collective interests through online connectivity. The concept of connective representation adds to the conventional perspectives on political representation, particularly in the authoritarian setting.

Studies of political representation have focused on responsiveness driven by electoral mechanisms in liberal-democratic regimes. In a single-party system like China’s, how does the government respond to citizens’ service requests? Whose and what interests are being represented in governmental responsiveness, and to what extent? This article explores these questions through the lens of “representation as responsiveness” by analyzing an exclusive data set from the city public service hotline in Shanghai. Data analyses show that Chinese municipalities have good responsiveness to citizens’ practical concerns, and the quality of responsive representation has been improving in recent years. However, some groups of residents tend to be underserved for multiple reasons. This article argues that a responsive model of authoritarian representation will become a significant source of resilience for the party regime.

Among the major events that occurred in Asia in 2019 were four that received global attention: the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), the US-China trade war, the North Korean nuclear issue, and protests in Hong Kong. These events have significant policy implications for the world as well as for Asia.

After the stunning victory of Pakatan Harapan (Alliance of Hope) over the incumbent Barisan Nasional (National Front) in May 2018’s 14th Malaysian General Election, 2019 was a year of political transition, with Pakatan governing, Barisan rising from its political grave, and the Malaysian people getting accustomed to a two-party coalition system. In a chaotic year of party-political and electoral fatigue, social discontent, and economic slowdown, Malaysia endured its domestic troubles to remain a stable country.

A tumultuous year brought Indonesia from a polarizing general election to disparate waves of mass protests that tested the state’s tether and revealed frailties in democratic consolidation. Granted a second term, President Joko Widodo ratcheted up plans for infrastructure and human resource development, wooing foreign capital despite a challenging global environment.

In 2019, Thailand held its first election in eight years, crowned a new king for the first time in nearly 70 years, and hosted the ASEAN summits for the first time in a decade. It was an eventful year for Thailand, filled with controversy and attempts to restore stability and the democratic legitimacy lost after the coup of 2014. Progress was marred by missteps and irregularities, leaving both stability and legitimacy in doubt.